20,000 squatters to be evicted

Massive eviction of squatters in ‘development’ project without resettlement plan.

Fears of violence during expected Kathmandu squatter eviction

KATHMANDU, 2 February 2012 (IRIN) – A Nepalese government development plan for Kathmandu could lead to violence as the authorities seek to evict thousands of landless squatters, activists say.

“We are ready to kill ourselves to stop government bulldozers. This is a life or death situation,” said Saru Magar, a landless squatter, who has been living at Bansighat settlement in the city centre for over 30 years.

“Where can we go?” asked Indra Prasad Timilsina in frustration. “We have no place to live.”

“We are extremely worried for the families, especially the children, women and the elderly people. They have absolutely nowhere to go,” said urban poverty expert Lajana Manandhar, director of NGO Lumanti Support Group for Shelter, which has been providing legal support to the squatters.

The development plan envisages clearing a large area and the demolition of a number of buildings, including clinics and petrol stations.

Some 40 squatter settlements with an estimated population of over 20,000 are being targeted, mostly along the city’s riverbanks, according to Lumanti. The squatter-migrants have been moving to the city from impoverished rural hill areas since the early 1950s.

Things appear to be coming to a head after the Supreme Court ruled on 27 January against the squatters, prompting the authorities to ready their bulldozers; thousands of police have been mobilized for an eviction which could take place any time now.

“This is winter time and it’s very cold in the capital. The government has ruthlessly picked such a time to evict the squatters to make them homeless,” said Sabin Ninglekhu Limbu, a University of Toronto researcher specializing in squatter settlement issues.

The government’s eviction plans are a violation of internationally recognized human rights and fail to follow UN principles and guidelines on rights to adequate housing, Limbu added.

“The government should immediately suspend the evictions until it can ensure that the relocations of squatters are respected,” said Human Rights Watch on 20 January.

Meanwhile, the squatters, many of whom cannot sleep in anticipation of the eviction, have begun preparing for the worst.

“It has been a nightmare for all of us as we fear being homeless any time… We fear for the children and the elderly,” said Siva Prasad Sharma, president of local community group United National Squatters Front.

Newspaper announcement

The government has not issued eviction notices to the squatters, but has placed an announcement in the newspapers warning that the eviction will take place, he explained. A three-month rent subsidy, but no alternative accommodation, has been offered.

“The government hasn’t even bothered to verify how many are actually very poor and what their situation will be once they are evicted. This issue is not a priority for the government,” said Lumanti’s Manandhar.

“This eviction without any relocation plan is ridiculous. The issue could be dealt with easily without agitating the squatters who are ready to take up arms to fight the government,” former mayor of Kathmandu Keshab Sthapit told IRIN.

When Sthapit ordered the destruction of over 150 squatter homes in the city’s Bishnumati area in 2001, Kathmandu Metropolitan Office and Lumanti purchased government land and built houses for each family verified as landless squatters. There is a lot of disused land, but no-one in the government seems interested in relocation, he added.

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Bel bibahar

I was always under the belief that the marriage of Newari girls to the bel fruit (bel bibaha) and later to the sun was to evade ‘sati’ should her husband die before her.

Bel bibaha seems great fun and the girls love the attention and the opportunity to dress up. Unlike the sun marriage which many girls seem to find highly disruptive to their play and part of the confusion inherent in their first menstruation.

Nepali girls “wed” god in ancient ritual

Nine-year-old Bhintuna sat smiling in jewellery and a red and gold brocade bridal dress as she held a tray of offerings, waiting for her turn to take part in the ritual that would wed her to a god.

The schoolgirl is just one of hundreds of Nepali girls set to take part in the rite that weds them to the god Vishnu over the coming month, a symbolic time of weddings according to tradition in this deeply religious, majority Hindu nation.

“It is fun. I am happy to wear new clothes and be with so many friends,” said Bhintuna.

The ritual, which takes place before a girl reaches puberty, is one of three weddings that girls from the Newar community, which dominates the Kathmandu valley that houses the Nepali capital, undergo in their lives.

In a later ceremony she will “wed” the sun by spending 12 nights in a darkened room at the age of 11 or 13, a rite that earns her additional protection. Her final wedding will be to her real, human husband, usually around the age of 25.

The origins of the tradition are obscure but Rajendra Rajopadhyaya, the priest who conducted the ceremony, said it dated back at least several centuries.

One tale has it that parents of a girl were afraid that a lewd entertainer in the court of the god Vishnu, known as the god of protection, would flee with her, so they married her off to Vishnu to keep her safe.

Hundreds of onlookers thronged the copper-roofed temple in Kathmandu, lit by butter lamps and filled with incense smoke, as 80 girls between the ages of six and nine awaited their turn for the ceremony, draped in long strings of yellow glass beads and other finery.

Many held trays of auspicious offerings such as rice, bananas and vermilion powder as they sat on the laps of their parents before being “married” to the fruit of the wood-apple tree, a representation of Vishnu.

After the ceremony the bride is offered a meal of rice with buffalo meat and the home-brewed liquor called “aela,” which is like vodka.

Bhintuna’s mother, 36-year-old Sirjana Sakya, sat at her daughter’s side and said she was reminded of her own childhood, when she too performed the rite.

“I think my daughter will be emotionally independent and capable of taking care of herself under the protection of her divine husband,” she said.

“I feel good because we are saving our culture.”

Nepal officially became a secular nation and abolished its Hindu monarchy in 2008, but the majority of its 26.6 million people remain deeply religious.

Original >

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Migrant worker videos

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Monsanto. Again.

This has been dragging on for ages. One is never sure which has the most legitimacy: Monsanto pushing for sales, or NGOs pressuring the government. Both presumably are working on foreign money…

NEPAL: Nepal’s Monsanto debate spotlights seed sovereignty

KATHMANDU, 10 January 2012 (IRIN) – An effort by US donors and multinational agribusiness Monsanto to partner with Nepal to boost local maize production with imported hybrid seeds has met civil society opposition calling – instead – for home-grown solutions.

“If an organization like USAID [US Agency for International Development] wants to help us with a company like Monsanto, we would hope that they would help us to actually develop our own hybrids instead, not to import their foreign seeds,” said Hari Dahal, spokesperson for the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives, at a recent parliamentary hearing on food sovereignty, as reported in local media.

USAID announced last September its intention to set up a pilot training partnership with Monsanto and the Nepali government, which promotes hybrid maize seeds to boost yields in a country where 41 percent of the population is estimated to be undernourished.

Maize is a staple of the local diet, especially in the maize-producing hilly central interior of the country, which suffers from chronic food insecurity.

In addition, Nepal grows only half of the maize demanded by the animal feed industry and imports the shortfall of 135,000 tons annually, according to USAID.

Demand for hybrid maize seeds, used primarily in the animal feed industry, has increased as animal feed has constituted a growing source of income for commercial farmers.

Opponents of the proposed partnership say it would substitute one form of dependence for another – from the currently imported maize to maize seeds from abroad.

According to the government, the country required 22,656 tons of maize seed in 2011 for the animal feed industry, which uses primarily hybrid seeds – less than 1 percent of which was supplied by registered imports.

Calling the US-headquartered Monsanto a “biotech Goliath”, local activists have taken to social media to block the company’s expansion in Nepal, citing concerns of loss of local seeds, dependence on seed imports and environmental damage to the land and surrounding communities.

Known for its genetically-engineered products worldwide, Monsanto has been sued – and settled out of court – in the Americas throughout the last decade multiple times for alleged health and environmental damages linked to its practices. It has also sued farmers whom it accused of patent infringement.

Silent entry

While this would be the first time a donor subsidizes the cost of hybrid seeds on such a large scale in Nepal – targeting 20,000 farmers in three commercial maize-producing districts of Kavre, Chitwan and Nawal Parasi along the southern lowland belt in the Terai region bordering India – Monsanto has been exporting hybrid maize seed to Nepal since 2004.

Photo: Smriti Mallapaty/ IRIN
Hybrid maize varieties are filling more fields like this one in the lowlands of Nepal in Nawal Parasi

Kiran Dahal, Nepal country representative for Monsanto, said almost 100 percent of its seed is used to produce maize for the feed industry, but it is up to the farmers to decide where they sell their maize and for what purpose.

Monsanto’s presence was unheralded, unsubsidized and until recently, largely unnoticed, said Sabin Ninglekhu, an organizer of the Facebook campaign. “To be honest, we didn’t know Monsanto was in the country before the USAID announcement.”

Over the past decade commercial farmers in the lowlands have started using hybrid varieties, drawn by the potential of higher yields.

In hybrid breeding technology, strains are cross-pollinated to create offspring with combined strengths. Agronomists note that although first-generation hybrids produce higher yields, their offspring often may not give the same results, requiring farmers to purchase new seeds every season.

As yet, no comprehensive long-term report on the distribution and yield of hybrid seed application in Nepal has been produced, according to the Agriculture Ministry.

But preliminary findings in the lowland Nawal Parasi and Palpa districts in 2011 suggest almost doubled yields from hybrid seeds over openly-pollinated local varieties – from 0.8 to 1.5 tons per hectare – as reported by the South Asia office of theInternational Center for Maize and Wheat Improvement (CIMMYT) based in Kathmandu.

Do it ourselves

But blocking seed imports is only the initial goal of local NGOs protesting against Monsanto: The end objective is to boost local seed use and production by investing more in agricultural research and development, said Facebook campaign organizer Ninglekhu.

“We have used this Monsanto movement as an opening to talk about the ministry’s agricultural vision, its understanding of food security and seed sovereignty and what policies are in place to address these. Monsanto is not the only option.”

Nepal’s political climate was still fragile in late 2011, five years after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord to end a decade of civil war, noted the Washington DC-based International Food Policy Research Institute.

Both the agriculture and science ministries “lack the power, capacity, and continuity to set the country’s long-term agricultural R&D [research and development] agenda,” IFPRI concluded.

The principal government agency devoted to such research – the National Agricultural Research Council – has produced only two hybrid corn strains since its establishment in 1991.

One type has not been taken up by private seed producers as it was deemed not commercially viable, and the other is still undergoing approval, said Chitra Bahadur Kunwar, a senior scientist at the council’s National Maize Research Programme.

Photo: Smriti Mallapaty/ IRIN
Durga Lamichhane worries about the disapperance of local seeds amidst a trend to import foreign hybrid seeds

Meanwhile, the increasingly scant availability of openly-pollinated local seeds, which can be reused from one season to the next, leave farmers vulnerable to the caprice of importation, said Durga Lamichhane, a commercial maize farmer from Gaidakot in Nawal Parasi District.

“Our local seeds are about to disappear. If for some reason these hybrid seeds do not come, we would be in a situation of emergency,” said Lamichhane, referring to a growing trend among commercial farmers not to save local seeds due to a preference to buy hybrids and other improved seed varieties.

But striving for no seed imports is not realistic, noted Andrew McDonald, a CIMMYT cropping agronomist for South Asia.

“Nepal is not alone: the food security of almost every nation is contingent on input supply chains that transcend national boundaries.”

Call for locally developed hybrids

For Tilak Prasad Kandel, a commercial farmer with a hectare of land in Nawal Parasi, the concern is not dependency, but rather lack of government spending to develop local hybrids. “There are alternatives to Monsanto.”

Though promoting maize hybrids is important to boosting maize production and profitability in Nepal, USAID’s decision to partner with Monsanto alone was questionable, said McDonald.

“I don’t think USAID should be in the business of choosing `winners’ by working with a single seed company in a market environment where many private companies are active.”

The US ambassador in Nepal, Scott H. DeLilsi, noted on his own Facebook page on 2 December that “the critical discussion is not about the role of a single company but about the future of agricultural development in Nepal,” and in a 5 December statementUSAID said project consultations are on-going.

“We have not worked out the details of the pilot as yet and are still consulting with a variety of groups including the private sector, academia, the MOAC [Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives] and Nepal Agriculture Research Council (NARC), civil society and farmer groups. We will take their feedback into account as we further discuss the form of partnership that best meets the needs of Nepali farmers.”

About 16 different maize hybrids from multiple companies are registered for sale by the government’s regulatory process.

No matter the source of seeds, the USAID pilot project would help farmers trying to grow hybrid maize, said Kandel. Not only would it subsidize seed costs, but also provide much-needed education on how to use the seeds, which is the biggest problem for farmers, he added.

According to farmers in Nawal Parasi, the subsidy would cover 75 percent of the cost of Monsanto seeds.

But for now the partnership remains a proposition as the government has not joined.

USAID has stated it “will not move forward independently to fund such a programme” and “encourages this dialogue, which underscores the critical need for Nepal to increase its agricultural production through improved seed technologies and cultivation practices”.

The government’s Natural Resources and Means Committee has requested a report addressing concerns about seed sovereignty from the Agriculture Ministry for a hearing expected to be held in January.

From http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=94611

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OHCHR report on Dalits’ access to justice

New OHCHR report on Dalits’s access to justice in Nepal.

Opening the door to equal justice for Dalits in Nepal: OHCHR-Nepal disseminates its report

Opening the door to equality: access to justice for Dalits

The United Nations Human Rights Office in Nepal (OHCHRNepal) today organized a regional symposium on access to justice for victims of caste-based discrimination. Challenges, lessons learned and good practices from Nepal were shared with participants from the country and other South Asian nations. The Office’s report – Opening the Doors to Equality: Access to Justice for Dalits in Nepal – served as the basis for the discussion.

The report recognizes progress made by Nepal in combating caste-based discrimination, including the commitments made during its first UPR review earlier this year, the adoption of the Untouchability Act in May 2011 and a number of judicial decisions sentencing perpetrators of caste based discrimination and untouchability to imprisonment. It also acknowledges the critical contributions made by national human rights institutions and civil society organizations to end this serious violation of human rights and national and international law.

At the same time, the report identifies the challenges and obstacles that continue to prevent victims  from accessing the justice system. These include the low levels of awareness that caste-based discrimination is a crime; lack of appropriate support from law enforcement agencies; and the social and economic factors that further hinder progress, such as poverty.

The report presents findings in relation to cases investigated by the Office over the past five years, primarily in the Far Western region of Nepal and offers recommendations to various actors to combat caste-based discrimination and untouchability, including the Government, the police, NHRIs and civil society organisations.

“Recently, Nepal has taken significant steps forward in combating caste-based discrimination, including the passage of the Untouchability Act criminalizing the practice in both public and private places,” said Jyoti Sanghera, Head of OHCHR-Nepal, adding “now is the time to ensure the effective implementation of the Act, to open the door to justice for those who suffer from caste discrimination every day. This will not only address one of the root causes of the conflict but also further consolidate the peace process.”

“The national campaign and launch of the OHCHR report is also important for the region, since it engages many participants from neighbouring countries, where caste-based discrimination is an equally important challenge,” remarked Marcia V. J. Kran, Director, Research and Right to Development Division, OHCHR, adding, “The end of this campaign will be the beginning of a next step, a new phase in which we hope our national partners will be able to consider the gaps and recommendations highlighted in the OHCHR report.”

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Internet rights and democratisation

Do you ever get the feeling that INGO researchers simply google an issue and then write about it in a shallow and non-committal manner..?

Waiting for the Nepal Spring

The Right to Information Act (2006) guarantees each Nepali citizen the right to demand and receive information on any matter of public importance, except when sharing that information is considered not in the national interest . Though a new constitution for Nepal is still being prepared, the incumbent constitution guarantees freedom of speech and freedom of expression . Nepal as a state is also a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its Article 19 on the right to freedom of opinion and expression .

The country’s first legislation on the internet can be found in the Nepal Information Technology (IT) Act (2000) . This law was later revised and named the Electronic Transaction Act (2008), which regulates the degree to which the internet can be exploited in Nepal for business or civil purposes. The Electronic Transaction Act also comes close to being a cyber law in Nepal . Besides upholding the legitimacy of electronic document transactions and economic transactions like online banking and online payment, it contains clauses that regulate the content that can be posted on the web . And, of course, penalties, both in terms of monetary fines or imprisonment in the event of violating the regulations, are included .

However, 2010 was not a good year for internet freedom in Nepal . The authorities persistently clamped down on internet service providers (ISPs) by forming a special central investigation bureau that grilled the ISPs on the misuse of the internet by their clientele . Voice over internet protocol (VoIP) is also not yet legal in Nepal, though public internet centres use it illegally . The authorities argued that due to the illegal use of the internet to make telephone calls, the national telecom authority was losing billions of rupees every year. The authorities were also of the view that the internet and VoIP were being illegally used for criminal activities, making it impossible for them to trace these activities. At the same time, the authorities argued that what it considered anti-social content was being published online. Recently the authorities issued a regulation that one can use the internet or internet telephones in public internet cafés only after registering using an identity document.

Social activism online

Despite these restrictions, online social activism has had some effect in Nepal . In 2011, one of the English dailies in Nepal ran this news headline on 7 May: “Facebook brings hundreds to street .”5 The report said: “There were no organisers, nor were there the leaders . But hundreds of citizens assembled at Maitighar Mandala at 3 .00 pm today, just less than a hundred yards from the administrative headquarters Singha Durbar to press for the promulgation of the constitution on time .” (sic)

The protests took place just a few weeks before the deadline of 28 May 2011 that had been set for the promulgation of the new constitution . Interestingly, the newspaper reported that banners carried by protestors read, “You have already taken full wages, give us constitution”, but no names of organisations who had called for the protests were seen . The campaign was reportedly called “We Are All Nepalis for Change” . It was discussed by a dozen people at a gathering a week earlier that then turned into a Facebook campaign, ultimately culminating in the street protests.

The protests were followed by several other Facebook activist campaigns, including “Nepal Unites”.6 Its Facebook page states: “Nepal Unites is a social movement that began on Facebook where frustrated Nepali youths united to speak up and stand up against the current government demanding a timely constitution, and co-operation from the government .” It goes on further to say that “Nepal Unites is a social media revolution” that shows the “global concern and strength of youth (…) in building a better and prosperous Nepal .” Finally it states, “We are an informal group of concerned Nepali citizens that came together to raise our voice .” Nepal Unites has organised various social and political campaigns, including in countries like the United Kingdom and others where the Nepali diaspora can be found . A BBC TV journalist reported that Nepal Unites protest marches and campaigns have heralded the start of Facebook activism in Nepal . Another Facebook campaign by Nepal Unites was reported by Yahoo news: “Thousands of young Nepalese have united behind a new Facebook campaign to stop paying the country’s battling politicians if they cannot produce a new constitution by the May 28 deadline .”7

The deadline for promulgating the new constitution in Nepal expired on 28 May, and it has been extended by another three months . Nepal Unites continues to organise campaigns on other issues of public interest and importance, such as corruption and unnecessary foreign travel by politicians. If one compares what is happening in Nepal as far as Facebook or social media activism is concerned to the impact of social media activism in countries like Egypt, the argument can be made that while Nepal Unites has been likened to a social movement, it has not necessarily had that level of impact . This may largely be due to the number of internet users in the country, and the number of those who use social networking tools .

According to Internet World Stats,8 the number of Facebook users in Nepal as of June 2011 was 1,072,999 – just over 3 .5% of the total population of about 30 million people in Nepal . Egypt, on the other hand, is one of the top internet countries in Africa . A little over 20 million people – or around 25% of the total population – have access to the internet and use Facebook . This suggests that the impact of social media activism can be realised when the number of internet users in a country is significant . While this may hypothetically be the case, I recall that when twelve Nepali migrant workers were killed by an Iraqi militant group in 2004 and the video footage of the killings was posted on the internet, the immediate impact of this was felt . There were riots in Kathmandu, with tyres burned, and many of the labour companies that arranged work for migrant Nepalese were attacked, ransacked and burnt . In 2004 the number of internet users or those who could access the video footage of the Nepalese killed in Iraq was definitely less than what it is today . In that case, the videos were downloaded and burnt on CDs, spreading the images like wild fire . The immediate impact of the videos was so intense and emotive to sections of the Nepalese people that they resorted to violence to express their discontent . With persistent rioting, the government had to impose a curfew in Kathmandu and several other cities . They also had to offer to compensate the families of the victims killed in Iraq .

If somebody were to ask me today if Nepal’s “internet generation” is ready to bring about change, my answer would be no . I used to call them the “chat generation” at some point in my quest to understand new media and their impact in our societies and on governance . But nowadays, like others, I call them the “Facebook generation” or rather the “social media generation” . When internet penetration has increased by several fold in Nepal, and the population who are children now are youths, then maybe I would say yes, the “internet generation” is ready to bring about the desired change Nepalese people in general have always aspired to.

The social movements incited by social media activism, or for that matter Facebook activism, have not yet been able to really make a dent in the existing political situation in countries like Nepal. However, it cannot be ruled out . Facebook activism is gaining momentum in Nepal, and it is likely to have a multiplier effect that can catalyse the change and bring about a “Nepal Spring” .

Not yet concluded…

Social media activism has been gaining ground since May this year in Nepal . It has definitely paved the way for building social resistance, mostly amongst the youth, which has organised several social campaigns pushing for the constitution to be promulgated in Nepal, and fighting against corruption, amongst other things. Nepal Unites does not consider itself a formal organisation, but a group that started spontaneously because of its concern over the issue of the new constitution and with peace in Nepal . For these sorts of spontaneous associations, their independence is important . While their impact can also be felt in the diaspora, the exact extent of this impact is not yet clear. Perhaps when the volume of social media activism increases and the right critical mass is created there will be a tangible impact on change in Nepal . While a Nepal Spring is yet to take place as a result of social media activism, there is ample room to wait and watch with loads of optimism to keep buoyant our sense of anticipation .

Action steps

The following action steps can be suggested:

  • There is a need for more effective awareness on the potential use of social media activism in social resistance and protest.
  • Capacity needs to be developed in civil rights activist groups so that they can use social media tools .
  • Social media activists should link up with civil rights activist organisations to make their activities more effective.
  • According to the data available, more than 35% of the Nepalese population uses mobile phones . These need to be integrated into activist campaigns using new media.

Taken from Panos South Asia’s contribution to the report, Global Information Society Watch 2011

  1. Previously a kingdom, Nepal was declared a republic in late May 2008 by the elected Constituent Assembly . Nepal currently has a presidential system of multiparty democracy .
  2. http://en.rsf.org
  3. www.mysansar.com “My Sansar” in English translates as “My Universe” .
  4. For further information on the royal coup visit: www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/nepal/B036-nepal-respondingto-the-royal-coup .asp
  5. www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=Facebook+brings+hundreds+to+streets&NewsID=287061
  6. nepalunites.org
  7. my.news.yahoo.com/facebook-group-vents-anger-nepalsleaders-025816239.html
  8. www.internetworldstats.com/asia.htm
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Witchcraft and CEDAW

Witchcraft or bokshi – considered almost a joke in most parts of the world – remains a popular basis of belief in Nepal. Even amongst the so-called educated. Daily news reports women fed human excreta and others under unbearable social pressure. Every village has one, and if they are Dalit, they have very little social protection.

A more interesting study, as was done regarding dowry deaths, would be to look into the hidden reasoning.

Were women labeled ‘witch’ because of a larger property argument? Was it due to the threat of their perceived sexuality? Did it come down to finances? and so forth.

Nepal: Witchcraft A Form Of Violence Against Women

Famous Nepali saying states that “the heaven exist there where the women are respected”. This saying underlines the strength of women. The woman is also considered the first teacher in any family who can guide her children and family in the best way. It is the woman who, despite of the many up and downs in her life, plays the key role as daughter, mother, sister and wife and shapes the family, society, country as well as the whole world. In Hindu mythology, many women goddesses also brought esteem for women. In these ancient times the women were independent and fully enjoyed their rights. Great women left their mark and influenced the course of history such as Gautami and Gargi1 who will never be forgotten. But after the starting of Medieval Epoch (from when the Hindu religion was initiated in the society), the women who were regarded as intellectual, an energy source and caretaker of the whole society were relegated to the second place and all their rights were minimized. The society had not yet established any social, economic, educational, gender norm to control and diminish women’s rights.

Different boundaries were established in the society in the name of cultures and tradition due to which women were regarded as inferior to man and were confined to the household as caretakers of their children and other family members and along with this their rights were also diminished in the name of family reputation and devotion. Thus this belief gave rise to the male dominated society and this patriarchal belief led the women to a most vulnerable situation.

The women who were worshipped as the incarnation of goddess in the ancient eras are now facing different sorts of violence. Violence occurred in their life in different ways such as social, political, economic, sexual violence and so on. Each and every day the media reports stories of violence against women in our society. This violence manifests itself in different forms such as abuse, rapes, sexual harassment in the work place, domestic violence (marital rapes, physical and mental tortures), trafficking of girls or women for sexual and labor exploitation .etc. Forms of violence against the women are the outcome of discrimination due to patriarchal attitudes and deep-rooted stereotype such as the determination of harmful traditional practices such as witchcrafts, early marriage, dowry system, polygamy, Chaupadi, Jhuma, Deuki ,Dhan khane, Ghumto pratha etc.

The situation of women indicted with witchcraft

A lot of Nepalese women fall victim to accusations of witchcraft and are tortured despite the fact that the accusations are based on superstition. Belief in witchcrafts has prevailed in the underdeveloped and developing countries since ancient times and it is always women who are considered as the practitioner with supernatural powers (i.e. the negative energy that can hepatize the man, animals and other living things and responsible for making them ill or even killing them). It is the result of religious practices and the mentality of the society that it is the women who are always accused. Despite the arrival of the 21st century, the community views towards women has not changed yet and still they are vulnerable to being accused of practicing witchcraft and being tortured by members of their own community. Mostly widows and the elderly with low economic status, especially those who belonged to so called lower caste of Dalits and other marginalized communities are accused of witchcraft. Some people in the Nepalese society continue to believe that the magical powers of these women are responsible for the infirmity of the people.

Women accused of witchcraft are severely traumatized and suffer physical and mental torture. They suffer greatly through being ostracized from the society, battered, fed human excreta, hit with hot spoons in different parts of the body, forced to touch red hot irons, forced to breathe in chili smoke, especially by Jhankris (the witch-doctors), perforated in private organs, offended publicly and it is therefore not surprising that they confess. The deep traumatic impact of such experience cannot only be seen in the lives of the women who are accused of being witches but also felt by their families who pay for that. Often, all the family members are tortured or they are compelled to leave their homes as well as the areas in which they have been residing for many years. The victims lose their self respect in their family and society as well. Some of them are even rejected by their family and their lives become more complex day by day as they are reluctant to return to their own village since the violence they endured is still fresh in their memory with mental and physical disorders. Even if they returned to their society, the insult and torture that they faced will never let them return to normalcy and some of them even commit suicide as it is difficult for them to return to their family and society with the possibility of such an immense accusation being laid yet again.

This is the time when we are raising our voices to call for the protection of women’s rights from their homes to the political sphere. Nevertheless, progress in this direction is slow and limited and humanity is slaughtered each time a woman is accused of witchcraft. Women are repeatedly falling prey to this superstition, which to this day resides in the minds of the community level people, no matter whether they are illiterate or are so called erudite.

Kalli Kumari B.K. of Pyutar-07, Thangsingtole, Lalitpur Nepal who belonged to so called lower caste Dalit community was assaulted, publically humiliated, mercilessly beaten and forced to confess that she practiced witchcraft and compelled her to eat her own excreta by Ms. Bimala Lama who was the Headmistress of the Gadhibhanjyang Primary School of same VDC on 20 March, 2009. According to the victim she accepted the accusation when the perpetrators, along with her sisters, threatened to cut off her breasts. She was made to agree that the animals died in the village because she practiced witchcraft on them and she was also compelled to sign an agreement taking responsibility for any animals that might die in the coming days. Her husband, Chet Bahadur B.K., and her child, were threatened with death if they supported Kalli and raised their voices against them. After the incident a Dalit Right Based NGO including the different organizations and media, and went to the village on March 25 with representatives from the National Dalit Commission, National Women’s Commission, human rights organizations, journalists and a Dalit Constitutional Assembly member .The team, after seeing the hostile environment, rescued Kalli Kumari BK, husband Chet Bahadur, and her 17-year-old daughter. The villagers tried to attack the team using stones and sticks however, the victim and her daughter were rescued and given shelter provided by Maiti Nepal, Kathmandu while her husband has been taking refuge at Chapagaon. Similarly the testimony of the victim was passed out from different news papers and medias along with press conference was also organized at the National Women’s Commission where Mrs. BK gave the details of the trauma she faced. At the same meeting the working committee was also formed to pressurize the authorities for prompt action and the committee too passed a delegation to the Chief District Office (CDO) in Lalitpur on March 29, 2009 to pressure the local government to arrest the culprits, and provide compensation and assistance in protection and resettling the victim’s family. The Chief District Officer (CDO) and Superintendent of the Police (SP) of Lalitpur District claim that they were searching for the culprits, but their efforts to arrest the accused were being foiled by the protesting villagers, and therefore the arrests were delayed. The victim along with her family returned their home after 52 days when they were assured to be safe and received Rs 40,000 as compensation. As the police arrested two of the locals involved in the incident while the main perpetrator Bimala was absconding and arrested after a few days. Now the case’s prosecution is on the process and still the victim is deprived of justice due to lack of appropriate bill on accusing women as witches.2

In 2011, reports of cases of women being beaten after having been accused of witchcraft were numerous. 41-year-old Gauri Devi Saha of Bara was severely beaten and forced to eat human waste by her neighbors who accused her of having practiced witchcraft on May 5, 2011 and similarly a week after this case another case was also recorded where 61-year-old Man Maya Angbohang, of Taplejung who was an unmarried woman and had been living alone was beaten black and blue by a group of local youths at her residence after accusations of being a witch. She sustained serious injuries during the attack.3

Recently on 23rd November, 2011 at around 11.30 pm, Samkhu Devi Urawa of Bhokhra-3, Sunsari was attacked with a sharp weapon (Khukuri) on her neck by her own brother in law, Dukhan Lal Urawa who was also working as police officer in Kanchanjunga, Taplejung accusing her of witchcraft and responsible for the death of his mother, Laliya Devi Urawa and brother Dhurpa Urawa, who died two years ago. According to the Raju Manandhar Deputy Sub Inspector of Police, Sunsari the perpetrator was taken into custody on 21st November and he had confessed that he tried to murder of his sister in law. He accused her of witchcraft and the legal process is also going on including the medical treatment of victim.4

These are the few of the cases in Nepal which exemplifies the accusations of practicing witchcraft where women have to live with dreadful conditions and even pay with their lives. They are not receiving justice. It is not only due to lack of awareness of the people who lay charges against innocent women but in the cases mentioned above we can see some of the so called educated persons who are specially working for society’s welfare are the main perpetrators. Thus this system can be considered as the result of some of the evil traditional belief which passes on from generations to generations.

It is especially difficult to remove this superstition as it has been accepted by the people for generations and is passed down from generation to generation even today. As the most of the cases of witchcrafts are considered as cases of social matters by the people in the community so the perpetrators attempt to settle the cases within the community with some amount of compensation outside the formal legal process. It is only when the cases is considered as assault and attempt to murder that it comes for the appeal of Justice.

Violence against women has been declared an illegal act and punishable by law in Nepal. Although the country has passed out laws and different provisions for women along with this according to the Country’s Interim Constitution, Part 3 ‘Fundamental Right’, Article 20 ‘Rights of Women’ explains that “no one shall be discriminated in any form merely for being a woman and no physical, mental or any other form of violence shall be inflicted to any woman, and such an act shall be punishable by law“. Nevertheless, there is still no law specifically criminalizing attacks on women accused of witchcraft.

The ratification of CEDAW by the country mandates the state to bring cases violence against women to an end and to suppress the stereotypes and harmful traditional practices which trigger such violence. In the 2004 review of Nepal, CEDAW urged the government to take steps to abolish those harmful and discriminatory traditional practices concerns. Similarly the 49th session of CEDAW held on 29 July 20115 had followed up that recommendation and issued the same areas of concern and recommendations, asking the state to take further action to eradicate harmful traditional practices, specifically quoting accusations of witchcraft as such harmful practices. The reiteration of CEDAW observation shows that the State action has been insufficient in that aspect.

In particular, no law has been adopted to criminalize specifically the act of accusing women of witchcraft. A bill against such practices is under discussion in the Parliament, but it remains to be seen whether its dispositions are protecting enough of the victims’ access to justice. Prosecutions of assaults against women accused of witchcraft remain ongoing and in the cases which are observed up to now, the women have had a very limited access to justice. As a result, victims will not seek justice, thinking they will never receive it.

Conclusion

The society’s attitude to women has evolved a lot in comparison with ancient times. Women are little by little becoming more visible in different sectors of the society. But cases of violence against women persist and illustrate how the strict hierarchical society continues to control and impact their lives. This brings out the most controversial position of women in the society.

Women victimized as witches cannot receive access to justice nor recover the respect that she once had. Even in the rare cases that victims can get justice or in which the perpetrators confess and grant the victim some compensation, the victim’s self dignity is never fully repaired. It is hard for her to reintegrate into her community as she suffers from mental pain over and over again. She can never come out from such a dreadful condition where she was ill treated, battered, fed human excreta, tortured with hot spoons in different parts of the body, perforated in her private organs and offended publicly.

Although most of the civil society and the local and central authorities are conscious about the situation, not much has been done from the side of the State to overcome that situation. Some argue that the state is pretending to be asleep, as per the saying “it is more difficult to awaken the people pretending to be asleep than to wake up the real sleeper”.

Nepal has pledged to uphold women’s rights through the ratification of international conventions, including CEDAW. Nevertheless, those pledges have not been made reality yet and most of the commitments contained in the ratification have not been implemented. It is the first and foremost responsibility of the nation to establish such a law which would never let any person to accuse the women on such a way where she is not only tortured in the name of tradition but also loses her dignity. In addition to this the awareness raising and educational efforts targeted all the people with the involvement of civil society as well as community and religious leaders should be fortified from the State’s side and it also must be dutiful for passing the comprehensive strategy and the draft law about social harmful practices; should promptly enact on the law ensuring the full implementation of the drafted law without any delay where complete monitoring must be considered the most.

In addition the women who are accused with such a humiliating treatment should be brought back to the society where they should not face the problem of frustration in which all the civil societies, stakeholders, leaders, activists and journalist can play the key role by forwarding the message of positive thinking in the people of the society and develop society with impartiality.

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Footnotes:

1 Mahaprajapati Gautami Theri – Princess, Queen, Saint, & Sage, rinpoche.com/stories/mahagotami.htm and Subhamoy Das, Four Famous Female Figures of Vedic India About Ghosha, Lopamudra, Maitreyi and Gargi, ghosha_lopamudra_maitreyi_gargi.htm
2 AHRC, NEPAL: Dalit woman assaulted, publicly humiliated and forced to eat human excreta , Asian Human Rights Commission – Urgent Appeals Programme , April 6, 2009 humanrights.asia/news/urgent-appeals/AHRC-UAC-038-2009
3 PEACEWOMEN.org ,Witchcrafts cases in Nepal, peacewomen.org/news_article.php?id=3531&type=news
4 EKANTIPUR,NEPAL, Brother-in -law attempt of murder accusing witch ,November 27, ekantipur.com/kantipur/news/news-detail.php?news_id=257413
5 UN WOMEN, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 2011 cedaw-seasia.org/docs/general/20110328_CEDAW_texconv.pdf

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The views shared in this article do not necessarily reflect those of the AHRC, and the AHRC takes no responsibility for them.

About the Author:
Sujata Paudel is the Palpa District President of the Feminist Dalit Organisation (FEDO), Nepal. She works for the defence of the rights of women from the Dalit community. For more information, visitwww.fedonepal.org; she is currently completing an internship with the Asian Human Rights Commission.

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About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation that monitors human rights in Asia, documents violations and advocates for justice and institutional reform to ensure the protection and promotion of these rights. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

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The Newar pedicure

Fascinating postmodern investigation.

The dying art of traditional Newar pedicure

“Ala,” a deep red moist mixture, a brush the size of a small finger, a tiny steel bowl– and “chhalancha,” a metal tool, spade-shaped at one end and flat at the other are what Nanu Maya Napit carries in her pouch to cut, file and adorn toenails the traditional way.

But only a few still choose to trim nails her way, and the cult, once a part of the Newar culture, is becoming obsolete with modernity.

Modern society has moved on to western methods of manicures and pedicures, a trend slowly gaining popularity in Kathmandu as well. But before that, and even before nail cutters became a common household tool, people would seek Nanu Maya or others from her community to have their nails cut and filed.

Nanu Maya, 60, belongs to a community of the Newar nation who have been trimming nails and hair for generations. Usually, the male members of the community, traditionally known as “Nau,” cut and shaved hair, the female members, or “Nauni,” filed nails.

During special ceremonies where the Newar culture requires people to be clean from head to toe, she is either invited or people visit her personally to get their nails cut.

Once her client is seated comfortably in front of her, she starts by first dabbing the toenails with water. Setting the sharp flat part of the chhalancha at one upper corner of the nail, she slowly cuts and peels the nail away.

Then with the spade-shaped end, she scrapes the entire nail plate white, also scraping off the dead cells around the cuticle. Then she paints the beautiful red ala around the tip of the toes for girls and just a dab or two for guys.

Traditionally placed in the lower ranks in the caste hierarchy among the Newars, it is believed that the Napit community has been engaged in hair and nail services since the Malla period. However, their clientele consist of very specific groups of families they refer to as “Jayama” or “Jajaman,”

The Hindu society has always been divided into groups and social strata called “varna” or castes based on their occupation.

According to Nepali history, during the reign of Jayasthiti Malla, the Newars who were under the Vaishya varna, was further divided into sub-castes and levels corresponding to the respective occupations they were engaged in, and their social positions were also defined accordingly.

“We don’t cut just anyone’s nails,” says Nanu Maya, as she checks on the paddy grains drying in the sun in her terrace. “We can’t cut nails of people who are placed lower than our caste, and moreover, we only attend to our Jayama family members who have been divided among our clans.”

She explains that like Guruju or Newar family priests who carry out the rituals for their definite Jayama families, Napits too catered only to a certain groups of families from an area or community divided amongst the Napit family clans.

Nanu Maya says her family has approximately 50-60 households as their Jayama in and around Patan.

Previously, almost all of them used to give her family a share of their field harvest annually in return of their services. She says it ranged from five pathis if they were to collect it from their house to a sack of grains if they were to go to the fields. But now, as most people don’t own fields anymore, she says she is mostly paid in cash on the spot for her day’s services.

“It was better for us when we got grains rather than money as we don’t have our own fields,” says Nanu Maya whose family earning still depends on their ancestral occupation, “But it also depends on how often Jayama members require our services now.”

Though most of her Jayama families are from Newar communities, she says she also has been attending to some Brahmin and Chhetri families in and around Imadol and Koteshwor. However, she adds, none of the Napits cut nails of people from other castes placed below Newars in the traditional Nepali caste system.

Nanu Maya, who is the third generation of Naunis from her family, says she started working as one only after her marriage when she was 15. Her husband, Babu Kaji Napit, still keeps a barbershop on the ground floor of their old house in Walkhu.

Here, he caters to mostly elderly men from and around the community who come in for an occasional shave, haircut and head massages.

For nail cuts, however, while people now come to their house, traditionally Nanu Maya would be the one going to the Jayama households during major festivals and ceremonies.

“I used to visit our Jayama households as frequently as once or twice a month for Jatras, feasts or whenever they would need our services. But I don’t anymore, as I’m busy with my grandchildren and people can cut their nails conveniently at their home,” says she.

As for major ceremonies like Bratabandh (initiation or coming of age ritual for boys), Ihi and Barah (initiation or coming of age ritual for girls), marriages and Shraadha (funeral ceremonies), Nanu Maya says the Jayama family members come to invite them and they personally have to go the household for the ritual initiation.

Rajendra Napit, chairperson of the Lalitpur branch of Nepal Napit Samaj, shares that all these ceremonies performed from birth to death in our society are a part of a sacred or religious practice.

Hence, purity or cleansing is deemed of high importance. In Nepali society, cleansing the area for the ritual involves many preparations – from sweeping the floor clean to sprinkling holy waters or sun pani (gold-dipped water) and daubing the floor with cow dung.

The participating person also has to be spotlessly clean, and getting their nails cut and cleaned is also a part of it.

Hence, he says, the nau or nauni starts the preparation of rituals by cutting the nails and shaving (for men). He adds that for some rituals that have to be carried out after certain days of birth, death or coming of age ceremonies, the family nau or nauni will take on the role to show them their reflection in the “Jwola nhyaka” or a special silver mirror.

This symbolizes cleansing of the soul and brings a proper end to such rituals.

Beside hair and nail cutting, many of the Napit families were also sought after for their healing touch.

“People would go to their Nau and Naunis when they sprained their legs or hands. They not only massaged the area but also applied herbal medicines and bandages. Many still do and even people outside our community have started to do so,” Rajendra shares.

Their herbal method of healing sprains and their massage is apparently still very popular with many people. People might not seek them out for nail or hair cuts any more, says Rajendra, but even now, when modern doctors are available, many people go to Napit households for their sprains.

Babu Kaji adds that previously people with abscess or sore wounds with pus formation would also come to him for cure.

He shares it was like a minor surgery back then where he would cut open the wound, drain the abscess and apply herbal medicine and bandage it.

Rajendra and many young Napits of his generation and above have moved on to other occupations for better income, opportunities and also, to certain extent, to break out from the social stigma that once prevailed against their community in term of the caste hierarchy.

However, he says, he still sometimes wonders about the unique ways Napits used to work in.

“You could say many of these hair saloons and pedicure parlors have replaced what people of the Napit community used to do,” says Rajendra. “But the cultural values attached to our ancestral occupation were different from all this.”

It was because of the cultural importance that, though Napits were among the lower ranks in the caste system, they were not placed among the socially “untouchable” groups. Rajendra says that in the olden times, when the caste system was strict, their community did face discrimination but with changing times they don’t anymore.

At least, no one from his family has been discriminated against.

For Nanu Maya, though, it depends on the Jayama families. In some families, she says she can now join in with the members to dine together while with some she still feels awkward to even go into their living rooms.

Over at Machhendranath Bahal in Bungamati, a budding Newari town in the outskirts of Lalitpur, Ram Maya Napit discusses how their generation is the last of Napits working as Nau and Naunis.

Working as a Nauni for the priests of the Lord Machhendranath Temple, her clientele is even more specified and she says she strictly cannot do nails for people outside her Jayama.

As she sits in front of her grocery shop on the ground floor of her house, close to the Machhendranath Temple, her neighbors gather to listen as she is being interviewed for this story.

“The new generation doesn’t want to do this. It’s not even considered a profession anymore,” says Ram Maya, the eldest of her siblings and the only one who has continued to work as a Nauni, “Even my children have chosen different professions.”

“So who will we come for the ceremonies of our children and the coming generations once you guys are gone?” wonders Shantu Tuladhar, one of the neighbors listening to Ram Maya.

“The next generation will learn to make do without us,” Ram Maya says, laughing and adding with a conclusion in her voice, “As for the cultural values attached to us, with the changing times, it’ll not make much sense to the upcoming generations anymore.”

As the conversation moves on to Ram Maya’s old handloom, which was recently dismantled by her son for its wood, one cannot help but wonder what fate has in store for her pouch of almost obsolete ala, brushes and chalancha.

Originally in: Republica

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*Silent* Indian national anthem

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Nepali Burmese

For a long time now academics and writers have been interested in Nepalis in India, the UAE and the West. Finally, Sushma Joshi has written something about the many residing in Burma.

Sushma misses out the ‘big question’ given to Nepalis in the late ’70s early ’80s when they were asked to choose between going “home” or becoming “Burmese”. Many chose to go “home” and were given jungeli land by King Mahendra along the Tarai.

The Gorkhalis of Myitkyina

By Sushma Joshi

My flight to Yangon on 18 June is cancelled. Thai Airways announces that heavy rain has closed Yangon airport. In the restless gloom of the waiting area, rumours start to spread. The Myanmar Army has taken over the airport, people whisper. Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday is a day away. Has some event occurred while they have been away? Young fathers sit staring into space, wondering whether they can ever return home.

We get bussed to the Amaranth Hotel, a fancy five-star hotel in the outskirts of Suvarnabhumi Airport in Bangkok. Using my wireless thumb drive, I e-mail my friend in Washington, DC, and request her to check Twitter. Within a few minutes, I get my answer: a plane has skidded off the tracks at Yangon airport. Flights supposed to land there are being rerouted to Singapore.

We fly to Yangon the next morning. In the excited conversations I start up with my fellow travellers, I refer repeatedly to my visit to ‘Burma’, to which they politely remind me it is now ‘Myanmar’. At a crowded traffic junction, a young newspaper boy flashes me illicit news printed in The Nation, a Thai newspaper. The front flap is folded over to hide the headlines inside: Kachin rebels resume fighting at border, threats of civil war. Only 3000 kyats (around USD 468), he says. I get a Hollywood thrill seeing the news, hidden so discreetly and flashed briefly before my eyes.

In a nearby restaurant, the kindly owner starts to discuss the Kachin rebels with me. The people are protesting, she says, because the benefits of the new hydroelectricity dam currently being built will all go to China. The Ayeyarwady (Irrawaddy) River will dry up and the Kachin will get nothing in return. She is surprised I do not know all this already. ‘I think you are journalist and you come to report about this,’ she confides. I deny this, but she hardly believes me: how could I not be a journalist? Obviously I was not a tourist – clearly I had come for some specific purpose.

Four months earlier, in February, I had ridden a pickup truck to Lashio, in the northern Shan state. A government official had looked at me and asked, ‘Are you a writer?’ Do I have I am a writer written on my forehead, I had wondered at the time. In hindsight, this was disingenuous: which tourist in her right mind would be riding a pickup truck to Lashio, sitting squashed alongside thirty labourers in the back with a giant pile of goods, and only a plastic mat as cushioning? I had admitted I was a writer, of sorts, but I need not have worried – the official went on to tell me that Myanmar was now introducing democratic norms and would soon become like other democracies. He also told me that he never took the state-owned Myanma Airlines, and that he felt that his country would slowly but surely adopt the political freedom of other countries. He admired writers, and wanted to learn to write in English.

Of course, he was a government official whose children studied at the best schools. His three rosy-cheeked children went to one of the best boarding schools in the country, in Pyin U Lwin (formerly Maymo), where he was picking them up to take them for a short vacation. Ordinary people had told me that only government officials get to send their children to good schools, or to buy property or start businesses. We can’t do anything, they said. It might have been true in this case but the official was so pleasant, polite and charming, and so clearly on the side of a democratic system, that it was hard to fault him. Despite all this, I was unsure how much I should reveal – would saying that I was writing a book about the Nepali/Gorkhali community in Myanmar bring unwelcome attention? Did I want to invite the possibility of more government officials asking me more questions? I was unsure, and in the confusing absence of information it seemed better not to say anything.

To the gompa!
Back in the Yangon restaurant on a steaming and oppressive June evening, I shook my head and said: ‘No, I’m not here to report on the Kachin rebellion.’ The owner was surprised by this. Then she resumed telling me the story of what was happening in Myitkyina, almost as if it did not matter why I had come in the first place, as long as I got a chance to witness what was going on there. I was educated, it was clear. I could speak and write in English. And this was enough credentials to be a witness.

Reading the New Light of Myanmar, the government-run newspaper, I saw that indeed the Kachin rebels have resumed fighting in Myitkyina, where I was headed. As the restaurant owner had earlier indicated, the news also told me that the Kachin were protesting the building of a dam by China; they had already blown up 22 bridges. The newspaper alternatively offered sticks and carrots: warnings to those going against development alongside pleas to rebels to remember that they are part of the Myanmar state, and that those who agree to support state policies can come to the negotiation table.

Let me admit it right here: I am not one of those who go seeking adventure. I was in Myanmar to find out more about the history, culture and life of the Nepali community there. If fighting was happening exactly where I was headed, perhaps I should not go. Unlike many of my friends, I am not a conflict junkie. And while getting their heads broken open with a policeman’s baton during protest marches in Nepal’s democratic movement was a badge of honour for many of my friends, I tend to be more cautious. Following my mother’s advice, I tend to save my brain cells for other activities.

Precisely as planned, however, I did fly to Myitkyina the next morning. The USD 308 ticket felt exorbitant, but I had already planned this for months so there was no possibility of backing down. I was excited to see the Gorkhali gompa, described to me in great detail by the Mahayana Buddhist followers in Pwe Oo Lin. I was also excited to meet some of the estimated 300,000 people of Nepali origin who lived in Kachin state. With villages named Rampur, Sitapur and Radhapur, I had a feeling I was going to see a lot more of Nepal in Myitkyina than I had planned. Of course, with my usual lack of planning I was carrying no phone numbers with me – only a sense that everything would turn out right.

Myitkyina is almost 1500 km from Yangon. In the fresh green air, much of the oppressive gloom of Yangon city falls away. People do not look away with shuttered faces – over here, they look at you with a smile and an open face. As I looked around the verdant greenery and the gently dilapidated buildings, I wondered how the Nepalis had gotten here in the first place. Later, people tell me that most Nepalis arrived with the British during Second World War to fight the Japanese. The Allies won. The Gurkha regiments stayed behind, even after the end of the war. Others came to trade even before the First World War – one tradesman in the bazaar told me his father came to Burma because it was the land of plenty. His father noticed that children in Calcutta picked rice out of the gutter to eat, but in Rangoon they threw away platefuls of rice from the eatery he sat in on his first day. That is how he knew this land was a rich land.

Nepalis also built the road in this town, I was told. ‘My father worked on that road,’ a Nepali tells me later. ‘That road’ is the Ledo Road, which goes from Ledo, in Assam, to Kunming, in Yunnan. The Ledo Road was built as an alternative route by the British to carry supplies to the Chinese after the Japanese troops cut off the Burma Road in 1942.

I need not have worried about knowing not a single soul in Myitkyina as I descended from the airplane. Waiting outside the airport was Bijay Adhikari. Mr Adhikari worked the airport route as a taxi-driver. At first I mistook him for an Afghan – possibly one who had been left behind in this remote outpost, the detritus of some war of the past. Then he asked me, ‘Which country are you from?’ And when I said, ‘Nepal’, he said, ‘I am Nepali too. You don’t worry. I’ll take you everywhere.’

The first stop in our itinerary was Bijayji’s home. His wife sat in front of the Hare Krishna shrine in their home, her hands folded, the picture of propriety and devotion. The Hare Krishnaites, known only for their hippie oddities in the US, have apparently acquired a popular following of diasporic disciples from Hindu backgrounds in countries such as Myanmar. Cut off from their religious traditions and hungry to learn more about their religious heritage, these disciples provide a fertile following. Bijayji’s wife tells me their three children are all working in Thailand – the son a tailor in Phuket, the two daughters working in retail outlets in Bangkok. ‘Don’t people in Myanmar miss their children?’ I asked, and immediately realised my mistake. Bijayji’s wife looked sad and she glanced down. Almost all of the younger generation of working age has migrated to Thailand.

‘Our villages are empty of young people,’ Bijayji said.

‘Your son must make a lot of money in Phuket, then,’ I said. ‘I met a lot of Nepali tailors who are doing very well in Thailand. They own their own homes and businesses.’

Bijayji shook his head and replied: ‘The tailoring business boomed for those who went about a decade ago. In the current economic climate, it is difficult for new people to establish themselves in Phuket.’ He said his daughters and son planned to send back their grandchildren so the grandparents could look after them while they worked in the big cities.

Bijayji then took me to meet his 80-year-old mother. We chatted for a while, and I felt an immediate affinity with the old woman. It is strange, I thought, how a point of commonality could be forged so quickly between this 80-year-old woman in Myanmar and myself, based on our shared heritage. Many of the people that I met during my travels in the country had a unique openness towards the world; while distrust tends to wrap many modern societies like shrink-wrap, in Myanmar many still exude an immediate intimacy. This openness worried me – I feared I might inadvertently do or say something that could put the people I met in harm’s way. But I need not have worried. The Gorkhali community has nothing to hide in Myanmar. ‘We have excellent relationships with both the state and the Kachin rebels,’ I was told several times, with great conviction.

In the bamboo hut of the old woman, we moved to the issue of religion, always a contentious one in Myanmar’s Gorkhali community, as they refer to themselves. The old lady was a Buddhist, unlike her son and daughter-in-law, who followed the Bhakti movement through the Hare Krishna path. She had a Buddhist shrine midway up her wall, like her Burman neighbours. ‘We have no quarrels here,’ she said. ‘I follow Buddha, and they follow Krishna.’ Unlike in the larger community, this family seemed to have made peace with religious freedom and the different choices of
family members.

Image: Sushma Joshi

Rebel, rebel
Immediately afterwards, we went to the gompa. Dorje Lama, the chairman, welcomed me warmly. An election to choose members of the committee was in full swing. Most of the people were Tamang. We sat down at a bench at the back, and I admired for a few moments the civil ways in which the event was taking place. Ostensibly it was an election, but it was clear the candidates had been pre-selected and nominated. The men sat on one side, the women on another. They all watched as the man on the dais read out the names of the elected male candidates.

‘We were planning to have a celebration but it wasn’t appropriate with the Kachin rebels resuming the fighting,’ a man named Nima Lama told me. About 80 or 90 Gorkhalis had been recruited by the Myanmar Army to fight the Kachins, he noted. I had already come to hear about this forcible recruitment by the military, but Mr Lama seemed to think that this was an issue of patriotic duty. ‘The Gorkhalis should fight the rebels, too,’ he said passionately. ‘It’s their duty. I hate the Maoists and what they did to Nepal.’ All the Gorkhalis I meet talk about the Bagi, or Tigers, their nickname for the rebels in Myanmar, with the same neutral tone that many urban Kathmandu people have used to talk about the Maoists. There appeared, at least on the surface, to be no approval or point of commonality with the rebels.
Mr Lama told me, ‘So, I’ve been back to Nepal a number of times.’

‘What did you think?’ I asked him, curious. He said it was a waste of time. ‘Hartals, chakka jams and strikes. I was stuck in a house all day and didn’t get to see anything,’ he said.

This was a familiar story. The Gorkhalis in Myanmar who had gone to visit their relatives in Nepal uniformly seemed to have experienced it as a series of unbroken strikes that left them stranded in concrete suburban homes. It was time and money wasted, they said. Mr Lama went on about the Maoists for a while. Then he asked me what I thought about all of that.

‘Yes’, I said, ‘but now in Nepal the war is over and now we are left with all these orphans. Later you look back after killing all your people and you think: What was that all for? Why did we kill our own people? Who will take care of these children now?’

This made him sombre. ‘Besides’, I added quickly, ‘one of Buddha’s edicts is not to kill.’

Later this week, I will learn that the Kachin too are seizing Gorkhalis to fight in their army. A Gorkhali woman told me that her 17-year-old nephew, travelling to the Chinese border to trade motorcycle parts, was seized by the Kachin rebels. ‘They’ve taken him to be part of the Kachin Independence Army. His mother went up and begged them to release him, but they won’t let him go.’ Then she had added: ‘I’ve heard the Kachins have their own Gurkha battalion.’ I wonder at this strange game, in which both the state and the rebels seize the Gorkhali. Gorkhalis end up fighting their own people on opposite sides of other people’s wars. Indeed, being tagged as ‘brave’ has long been one of the Gorkhali’s biggest curses – and perhaps also a significant blessing. Both sides, it appears, want Gorkhalis as allies, and none see them as enemies. That is why the villages are empty, as the young men and women flee the conflict.

Another man sitting in the hall recounted a historical titbit. A relative of his from Myanmar was one of the police officers who went back to Nepal to lead the coup against the Rana regime that established King Tribhuvan on the throne. I turned on my video camera and begged him to repeat this story. But he refused, saying it would not look good to say this aloud. Anyway, he said hastily, everyone knows this history.

The Ranas appear in the Gorkhali community’s consciousness every once in a while. But the history of opposition to the regime is quickly brushed over, almost as if referring to that moment, for some reason, is a forbidden pastime. Anything that refers to opposition to an autocratic regime, it appears, is forbidden. The Gorkhalis of Myanmar seem to censor any thought that could be potentially treasonous – everything is smoothed over by the belief that they live in a rich, happy and generous utopia.

Interestingly, the Gorkhali community does live a rather charmed existence, one that brings few external distractions to the building of community ties, social events and economic activities that continue amongst great warmth, love and support. This is immediately apparent in each city and village that I visit. ‘There is no Gorkhali in Myitkyina who doesn’t own his own home, or who is starving,’ the organisation of Hindus in Myanmar assured me. Whatever the official policy of the land – including several complicated categories of citizenship that have left a few Gorkhalis in Myanmar with only partial citizenship rights – it is clear that in general the tight community support, the economic stability afforded by the freedom to run businesses, as well as the sense of being part of a stable and prosperous community has an impact on people’s sense of happiness. Gorkhalis appear to maintain a strict disinterest in politics and a neutral stance towards all parties. This, it appears, has helped them to navigate the quagmire of Myanmar and escape the human-rights violations and savagery faced by many other ethnic groups in the country.

Carry on lightly
I walked up on the elevated platform and sat down to interview the chairman of the committee. After a few minutes of chatting, I became aware that one of the two monks sitting around the table was filming me with his cell-phone camera. He stood directly over me, his face hard-edged, directing the camera in my direction. Suddenly my throat went dry. I kept forgetting that religious institutions are never free of politics in Myanmar. These were like no other monks I had seen – they wore the yellow robes of the Theravada monks, but what were they doing here, in this Mahayana gompa? The way they looked at me made me nervous.

I became aware that I was saying that I was happy at the way the elections took place, and how they were concluded in such an orderly and efficient manner. I also said that Tamang inside Nepal train to be monks in Tibetan monasteries in the Mahayana tradition. Where does Myanmar stand on Tibet? Are they so in bed with the Chinese that any mention of Tibetans is seen as treason? I had talked to Mr Lama about a few famous rinpoches and a few famous gompas, figures who have a good reputation for teaching Buddhism in Nepal. Yet these same people might also be perceived by China as politically problematic. Was I treading in a political minefield here? I hoped the monks were not government spies and that they did not mistake me for one either.

Of course, the only thing you can do in such moments is to carry on lightly, as if nothing is amiss. Which was what I did, asking questions about the history of the gompa’s formative moments. It became quickly clear that the people gathered around me had little spiritual guidance, that the space functioned only as a community space rather than a monastic one.

It was time to leave. As I got up, I saw Mr Lama sitting in a circle with the two monks still present. They were engaged in a deep discussion. I had a feeling they were talking about me. For a moment, nervousness overcame me. Then I got the sense that what I had told Mr Lama earlier – that killing your own people is never profitable, and not part of the Buddhist dharma – had been reported back to the group. It had entered the discourse and changed the tenor of people’s certainty. One of the yellow-robed monks came to say goodbye. As we departed, I gave him a deep namaste. He grudgingly and suspiciously acknowledged the gesture. I could see him watching us as the motorcycle carried us away.

~ Sushma Joshi is a writer and filmmaker from Kathmandu. Her book The End of the World was longlisted for the Frank O’Connor Short Story Award. She is writing a book about Nepalis in Burma and Thailand, with support from the Asian Scholarship Foundation.

via The Gorkhalis of Myitkyina.

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