Unrealistic expectations, or is Baburam the solution?

BBC News – PM Bhattarai praised for choosing Nepal-made Mustang

New Nepalese PM Baburam Bhattarai has spurned the opportunity to travel in a luxurious car and has instead chosen an unglamorous vehicle assembled in Nepal.

Golchha Mustang in Nepal

Dr Bhattarai, who was sworn in on Monday, has chosen an unfancied Golchha Mustang as his official vehicle.

Not to be confused with its namesake in the US, the Mustang is made from parts imported from India and China. Fewer than 1,000 have been sold in Nepal.

His decision to choose a Nepalese-made vehicle has won praise from the media.

Ideally suited to Nepal’s pot-holed roads, the competitively priced Mustang has none of the luxurious trappings of previous prime ministerial vehicles.

Its unostentatious reputation, however, makes it perhaps the ideal choice for a Maoist prime minister who has said that one of his top priorities is the eradication of poverty.

Even so, the authorities were a little surprised when the newly elected prime minister turned his back on a lavish sports utility vehicle (SUV) and instead asked to be provided with a Mustang.

Equally surprised were the makers of the vehicle – Golchha Motors.

Dr Bhattarai says that tackling poverty is a key priority

For 14 years they had been quietly assembling cars – including the Mustang and the Sherpa – in Nepal, selling around 1,000 of those vehicles.

Dr Bhattarai’s request received saturation coverage in the media – with many praising him for promoting a Nepali product.

The company is now expecting a marketing bonanza.

It had to rush in a Mustang overnight on Sunday to Kathmandu from the eastern city of Biratnagar – where the cars are assembled – so that Dr Bhattarai could get it in time for his inauguration.

The company has promised to allay concerns about the prime minister travelling in a vehicle without basic security features by delivering a better-equipped model within the next six weeks.

It has dispatched a team of engineers to Delhi to scout for necessary accessories.

According to Surendra Golchha, managing director of the company, Nepali engineers have added their own distinctive touch to the vehicle with parts imported from abroad.

“Our engineers first decide about the design of the body, type of engine and then based on these specifications, selected companies are asked to provide them,” he said.

“They are not only assembled but totally manufactured in our factory. What we have tried to do is learn different technologies from foreign companies.”

The company claims that their vehicles cost less than a fifth of the price of a foreign SUV. It says that it can provide 200 vehicles a year if demand increases.

Industry analysts say that billions of rupees spent every year on importing foreign vehicles could be saved – and hundreds of jobs created – if more of the vehicles were bought in Nepal.

via BBC News – PM Bhattarai praised for choosing Nepal-made Mustang.

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Amnesty video, unsolved forced disappearances

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BCN or CHHE?

A friend warned the other day not to be seen as anti-BCN (or is it anti-CHHE?), on risk of losing credibility. The following article from Republica is fairly interesting, although I admit, the half on the US was less compelling reading..

Caste matters – Sradda Thapa

Before the reader jumps to conclusions and deems me a caste-ist, allow me to explain with two very straight-forward points. First, to dismiss the privilege attached to certain so-called high-caste names is to somehow pretend castes don’t matter. While it truly may not matter to the high-caste, it sure does for others. Even if they personally really do not discriminate against their lower-caste neighbors, it does not eradicate the social caste-system. One look at leading businesspeople and bureaucratic whips indicate that caste and opportunity is still closely aligned.

Which leads me to my second point: While the correlation between the two is close, it is an issue we can deal with if we are willing to admit that caste, indeed, matters because accepting this bitter fact is the only first step available to alleviating the situation. Furthermore, our caste-based social heirarchy is not a lone social evil. There are lessons to learn – both in terms of what to replicate and avoid, from world history. America just happens to be one very good example.

You see, while the world hegemon have had a historical headache about race, we in Nepal have one about caste.

The Bahun Chhetri Newars (BCN), Caste Hindu Hill Elites (CHHE) – and whatever other accronnym you choose to employ to describe the supposed thulo jaat in the country – are usually the first to deny the importance of caste. It is easy for the “high caste” of us to be dismissive of the entire system, to proclaim we do not care for it. It is even expected that we wave it aside and sneer at it for being so trivial, so backward, so beyond us.

Since my fascination with Nepal scratched the surface of Mt Everest and the brave Gurkhas, I have come to admit that your last name does indeed speak much about your opportunities and life chances.

Of course, I am not suggesting we divide, categorize, and then rank the value (or the pani chalne and na chalne) of this socio-political construct called ‘caste’. What I am suggesting is we refrain from dismissing caste as something so “unimportant.” Because for all the nonchalant I-don’t-care-about-castes proclaimed by the thulo jaats, Dalit CA members still found it difficult to find a room to rent in the capital. A CA coommittee coorindatior and its members have complained about the “tendency” to refuse recieving complain from Dalits (Caste discrimination, untouchability to end: Mahara, June 11 2011). And inter-caste couples of urban Nepal today where mention of marriage raises an eyebrow at best and ostracizationat at worst.

It seems even if we don’t care about caste, caste cares about us.

Once the idea that castes cannot be brushed under a national carpet is agreed upon, the likes of American racial tension – current and historical – offer much for Nepal to build upon in terms of discussion and action.

Everything from its initial “only slave-owning men may vote” to segregation that marks large pockets of the country even today is a case for Nepal to ponder. From divvying affirmative action to minority groups participating in a majority-based government, (which is what we call “democracy”) their re-education and planning is worth contemplating. American pop culture is consumed in large proportions by the urbane, rural, youth and senior of us, but American history also brings a healthy dose of reality. If the Internet at home is too faulty, a good place to begin would be a book – Cornel West’s Race Matters, to be precise.

There is much to pick up from Race Matters and to consider from American history. Especially in this very moment as we deliberate what jaat we have been born into means, as we consider the correlation between caste and poverty, as we try and draw policies to implement tomorrow in an effort to apologize, if not rectify what was systematically propogated yesterday in the name of religion and culture.

I had the opportunity to hear the man, West, dubbed “one of America’s most gifted and provocative public intellectuals” – speak at my little liberal arts school. Perhaps the most brilliant mind I was ever privy to listen to in person (rivaling only Noam Chomsky), the one word that rings as soon as his name is uttered is “audacity”.

“The audacity of it all” he cried over and over again that evening. Between that line and his infamous book, “race matters” is what I recall most vividly.

Nestled in a small Christian college forty-minutes from Boston where little blonde girls would ask friends from Kenya, “Why are you so dirty?” as they innocently but still so hurtfully tried to rub off the “dirt”, West’s title, Race Matters, seemed to offer nothing new.

Of course, race matters. And, it didn’t just take someone who was a bona fide non-WASP to figure that one out. “WASP,” being an acronymn my high school teacher taught us to describe the four usual characteristics (before-Barrack Obama) crucial to running for US President – White Anglo-Saxon Protestant.

Perhaps then it is only obvious that in skimming through newspapers and traveling to remote corners that define this country, it becomes evident that our version of Cornel West’s best-seller would have to be titled Caste Matters.

Indeed when my WASPish American friends expressed horror at our caste system, that one was born into, that one could not escape, that determined one’s life chances and that decided who you could and could not marry, I listened. I nodded and agreed it was awful, “just like how African-Americans, Irish-Americans, Hispanic-Americans or Jews were treated in America”. This wasn’t to shut them up as much as to indicate that social evils plagued any and every society. The only difference perhaps is that their country has been dealing with it for well over decades, while it is something we are rather new at, especially at the nation-state level.

But first, we must have a collective understanding that pretending caste does not make a difference to how we perceive and treat others does not mean these “others” of us are not treated differently by society.

In an ideal world, race and caste in our case would be non-issues. But, so long as they are, we are doing more harm than good if the privileged of us pretend to enjoy no privileges in being privileged. We owe it to our countrymen to refrain from belittling a national plight. I can say I don’t care if I am a Chhetri woman, that it makes no difference to me. But, we all know the difference it continues to make to those who are non-Chhetris (sans Bahun sans Newar).

Because, for all the talk – this wedding season I saw but a few where caste really did not seem to matter. What’s our version of the American WASP and how do we go about addressing its meaning?

sradda.thapa@gmail.com

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Dalits lobbying UN committee

Lobby brief on Dalit women in Nepal for the examination of Nepal at the 49th CEDAW session, New York, 20 July 2011.

FEDO and IDSN lobby document

Nepal info from IDSN:

The government appears to be striving to erode age-old practices of caste-based discrimination, and there is acceptance of the need for the introduction of reservations for the Dalit community in order to realize equality. Draft legislation vetted by a high-level panel and released in December 2010 contained provisions to guarantee equality and provide measures through which to realize language rights and proportional representation. In addition, there were two progressive judgments on these issues in January and March 2010 (handed down by the District Court in Baitadi in the west of the country), both of which upheld Dalit rights. The first sentenced a man to two years’ imprisonment for an attack on Dalits whom he believed were not following discriminatory temple rituals, while the second convicted a man for physical assault on the father of the groom at a Dalit wedding, where the perpetrator believed rituals practised were reserved for ‘high-caste communities’.

 

These decisions indicate some official appetite for combating caste-based discrimination, though inevitably tackling societal perceptions is a significant challenge. Indeed, discrimination on the basis of caste identity appears to continue to be widespread in Nepal, affecting the estimated 13–20 per cent of the population who are Dalit. For instance, according to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), Dalits are often refused entry to tea shops, restaurants and hotels, and to Hindu temples, denying their right to practise their religion. Those who speak out against such discrimination face hostility. In October, the AHRC reported that a non-Dalit teacher who had spoken out against discriminatory practices against Dalit students at her school in Kailali District (including separate facilities for Dalit students and banning Dalit students from attending certain classes) remained suspended. In addition, she had been blocked by the local school board from applying for other teaching posts in the district.

 

In a similar vein, although the government declared 2010 to be the year to focus on gender based violence, ingrained attitudes have meant that women, especially from marginalized communities, continue to face violence, due to their lower status and financial dependence on their spouses. Women from marginalized communities such as Haliya, or bonded labourers in the mid- and far western regions of Nepal continue to face difficulties that are accentuated by poverty and the lack of employment opportunities, in accessing food, clothing, shelter, health care and education, despite the abolition of bonded labour nearly three years ago. For instance, the AHRC alleges that Dalit women and girls are at particular risk of sexual violence at the hands of higher-caste men, and that such cases are rarely brought to justice due to complicity between the police and the perpetrators. The year 2010 also saw the murder of two Dalit women and a girl in Bardiya National Park by army personnel. The soldiers involved alleged that they had killed the women and child – who were collecting firewood along with others from their village – instantly, and in self-defence. But other members of the party reportedly stated that they had been shot at while they were sleeping, and that the women and the girl were abducted, sexually assaulted, and later killed.

 

 

 

 

 

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IRIN speaks with ostracised women

Nepal’s efforts to help conflict-affected women and girls gain a stronger footing in society may not be enough for the widows, rape victims and former Maoist combatants now tainted by social stigma, activists say.

“Because women have held guns and left their homes, because they were sexually assaulted, people won’t accept them so easily back into their communities,” said Susan Risal, director of Nagarik Awaz for Peace, a local NGO working for sustainable peace.

“It’s not so easy to just reintegrate… We expect that the widows and victims of sexual violence will get shunned from their communities,” she added.

About 100,000 people remain displaced in Nepal following a 2006 ceasefire and peace accord with communist Maoist fighters. Many observers believe women were disproportionately affected by the decade-long conflict and its aftermath: Sexual violence was prevalent during rebel attacks, war widows were subjected to violence and discrimination, and national insecurity led to an increase in trafficked women.

Efforts to address the problem are now drawing foundational support from two UN Security Council resolutions – 1325 and 1820 – acknowledging the vulnerabilities of women and girls in post-conflict societies and their right to representation, and the adoption of a National Action Plan, the first of its kind in Asia, in February 2011 (10 years after 1325 was passed, and three years after 1820 was approved).

Many are hopeful the five-pillar plan, if executed and funded sufficiently, could deliver prompt and free legal services, more residential homes, social services and access to relief and recovery packages for women and girls. But local peace and reconstruction campaigners predict obstacles due to a lack of support and ongoing discrimination.

“It’s a big challenge of how to implement this plan and where to go from here,” said Tulasa Amatya, founder of Community Action Nepal, a Kathmandu-based NGO which supports conflict-affected women.

“You go to local districts and you see Maoists working there, and you don’t feel peace and security. The dialogue in Nepal is all about politics and who will take the lead, and not about the women and the kids affected by it all.”

Displaced women who are not widows, sexual violence victims or former combatants also doubt their potential to resume their pre-conflict lives.

Forced to flee

Tara Bhatta was forced to flee to Kathmandu from her village of Baitadi in the far west in 2002 after Maoist demands became intolerable. Her father-in-law was in the army and Maoist fighters frequently made threats and demanded arms, food and a place to stay. Bhatta, 28, says they were also physically violent.

The violence intensified when she refused to join the Maoists. Female fighters made up 30-40 percent of the Maoists, some recruited willingly, others by force, according to the UN Women office in Nepal.

About 19,000 of these former female fighters are demobilized in cantonment camps. They are screened, based in part on the number of children they have in order to identify those without significant family obligations, as they await possible reintegration into the national army, Risal said after a recent visit to camp.

While Bhatta finds life in Kathmandu expensive and challenging, she says she doubts she will be able to reclaim her house in the west with her husband and two young sons. She has heard little about the Action Plan and did not seem certain about how much support it could provide.

“Of course if there is a chance, we will happily return. It is very hard to survive here. But I’m very skeptical we could do that,” said Bhatta.

Several years ago her husband was barred from the house by Maoists still occupying the surrounding land, even after the ceasefire.

Compensation package

She has not received a one-off government financial compensation package for conflict-affected people, which amounts to around US$350 depending on the person’s circumstances. Many others like Bhatta had not received any aid yet, said Sangeeta Thapa, UN Women’s programme coordinator in Nepal.

“Women don’t have the proper information or the means to go to Kathmandu,” Thapa said of why few people have accessed the compensation packages. “It’s a politically biased process.”

An orphan of the conflict, Jamuna Tamang, now 19, has not received any compensation package either, and says that even with its aid, she and her twin sister might not be able to reclaim their abandoned house in Kathmandu. They left when they were seven, after their father was kidnapped and they could not care for themselves alone.

“We were very young when our father [a teacher] was kidnapped by the Maoists and killed and were lucky because our aunt took us in,” Tamang explained. “That is our land, but maybe we are too young to go and take it back.”

The National Action Plan, which is still being budgeted, will be implemented over the next five years.

Source: http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93584

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Human Rights Watch investigates disability

It’s been a long time coming that one of the big human rights INGOs finally looked at the scandal in Nepal that is the treatment of the disabled. It’s good for disability activists and NGOs that Human Rights Watch is raising the profile of disability to a far higher level within the human rights world.

But why now? Shouldn’t HRW be focusing on its raison d’être?

After all, security sector reform is stalled, there exists widespread impunity, and still no movement on truth and reconciliation (or justice).

“In this society, children with disabilities can’t have a dignified life even if the parents want it. Parents are forced to hide them.” – Mukunda Dahal, disability advocate and father of a 13-year-old girl with autism, Kathmandu, March 2011

There is limited data on people with disabilities in Nepal, including how many adults and children are living with disabilities, their specific housing, education, and healthcare needs, and what factors promote or hinder their equal membership in Nepali society. The available statistics are wide-ranging, from 0.45 percent (in the 2001 National Census)17 to 1.63 percent (based on a 2001 Situation Analysis on Disability carried out by the Nepal National Planning Commission and UNICEF)18 to more than 25 percent prevalence of disability in Nepal (in a household survey conducted by the Social Science Research Foundation).19 According to the World Health Organization (WHO), more than 15 percent of the world’s population is living with a significant physical or mental disability.

Source: HRW disability report

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Half of Bhutanese refugees resettled

Nearly half of the roughly 108,000 Bhutanese of Nepalese origin who fled to Nepal in the early 1990s have been resettled in third countries, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), and the seven camps they were living in are in the process of being consolidated into two.

Since late 2007, when a third-country resettlement programme was introduced, UNHCR has resettled 50,996 of the refugees, also known as Lhotsampas; 43,056 have been resettled in the USA alone. They fled Bhutan after the government stripped them of citizenship.

Due to a reduction in donor funds and to provide services more efficiently to the dwindling number of refugees, the Nepalese government and UNHCR have begun merging the camps into two – Beldangi in Jhapa District and Sanischare in Morang District. The plan is to complete the process by mid-2012.

“Refugees don’t necessarily feel comfortable losing half of the community, so it makes no sense to do business as usual,” Stephane Jaquemet, UNHCR country representative in Kathmandu, told IRIN.

Camps Beldangi I, Beldangi II, and Beldangi II Extension merged into Beldangi camp in January 2011, centralizing food distribution, health care and education.

Camp fire

The 4,600 refugees at Goldhap camp in eastern Jhapa, which closed in June 2011, were initially reluctant to leave, but after a fire in March which destroyed nearly 75 percent of the bamboo huts, they were left with no choice.

“At first, some of us had disagreements with relocation. The larger camps are more crowded and chaotic and more prone to crime,” Chiranjibi Rai, former camp secretary at Goldhap and a refugee now at the new Beldangi camp, said. “After our camp caught fire, there was too much dust and pollution. It was then that we demanded to move.”

The fire prompted UNHCR to move 678 families to the larger camps. Most families relocated to Beldangi, where some found themselves in unfinished, roofless huts.

Ten families, including Tal Man Rana and his wife and daughter, asked to be moved to Sanischare where their relatives live.

“Everything went smoothly during the transition,” Man Rana said. “Any complaints we had were temporary. If you talk about health, education, and infrastructure, we are totally dependent on what they give us. So wherever they take us, we have to go. And we accept this.”

There are currently four fully operating camps: Beldangi, Timai, Khudunabari and Sanischare. Timai is scheduled to close by the end of the year, and Khudunabari by June 2012.

Waiting game

Although camp consolidation is progressing, the fate of the remaining 63,093 refugees is uncertain.

Cases of fraud, non-registration, and marriages between refugees and local Nepalis have delayed applications for third-country resettlement. (The Damak authorities recently arrested a Nepali woman who allegedly promised clients passage to Western countries by registering them as Bhutanese refugees.)

While many refugee families wait to resettle, 15,000 have yet to express any interest in third-country resettlement. Refugees like Ghanashyam Lamgade are still optimistic of returning to Bhutan.

Lamgade has served the Beldangi community as a tailor for the past 10 years and has no intention of applying for third-country resettlement.

“I am Bhutanese. I belong to Bhutan. Until Bhutan makes the decision on repatriation, I will wait. And if ever Bhutan decides not to take us back then only at that time may I consider other options,” Lamgade said. He said members of his community were still in Bhutan and that resettling elsewhere would be a “great defeat”.

UNHCR hopes that as the number of refugees falls, Bhutan may be inclined to allow the remaining refugees to return.

“It is difficult to make a proper scenario at this moment, because the prospect of repatriation is still there. Not today with 63,000 [refugees], but with the number going down, we hope that it may help,” Jaquemet said.

Source: IRIN

 

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UN: citizenship debate rattles on

Isn’t it surprising that those Pahadi Bahun men living in their civil service/political party palaces still hold on to their sexist racist principles of “Nepaliness” in the 21st century?

Not really, I hear you say.

Millions of Nepal’s children risk statelessness – U.N.

NEW DELHI (AlertNet) – Up to two million children in the impoverished Himalayan nation of Nepal are at risk of becoming stateless — without country or nationality — if the government approves strict citizenship criteria in its new constitution, U.N. officials warn.

Nepal is emerging from a decade-long civil conflict with Maoist rebels that killed 13,000 people and devastated the economy. After a 2006 peace deal, the monarchy was abolished and a special assembly charged with drafting the country’s first republican constitution.

But U.N. officials say some provisions in the proposed new charter discriminate against the hundreds of thousands of mixed marriages in Nepal by granting children citizenship only if both parents are Nepali.

“As it stands, the rules are extremely restrictive when it comes to transmitting citizenship by descent,” said a senior U.N. official in Kathmandu, who asked to be named.

“It can be one or two million children from these hundreds of thousands of mixed marriages who would be stateless. But it would not just stop there … the children of these people would also be stateless. It would continue like this for generations.”

If approved, the rules would make Nepal only the second country in the world, after its tiny and remote South Asian neighbour Bhutan, to demand both parents be nationals for a child to gain citizenship.

Furthermore, even if a foreign spouse wishes to take Nepali citizenship, rules dictate they can only be eligible after 15 years of legal residence in Nepal, leaving their children in a protracted state of limbo.

With no official documents, children of mixed marriages will have no right to a college education, a passport or driving licence, to land, government pensions, to voting or to participating in elections. They would also face difficulties seeking jobs.

UNHCR will launch a campaign on Thursday to highlight the plight of the world’s up to 15 million statelessness people, to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the 1961 U.N. convention on reducing statelessness.

The convention, of which Nepal is not a signatory, explicitly states in its first article that nations must grant nationality to a person born in its territory who would otherwise be stateless.

MIXED MARRIAGES

Government figures from 1995 estimated there were 800,000 people in Nepal without citizenship certificates, although experts believe more than double this number are now “undocumented.”

Many are women, who have for decades faced restrictive citizenship rules in this conservative, patriarchal country where only men have the right, de facto, to transfer nationality to their children.

Those living in the Terai region — home to nearly half of Nepal’s 28 million people — are most at risk, aid workers say.

The Madheshi people of Terai are similar in language, dress, ethnicity and culture to Indians across the border in the adjacent states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Many migrate from either side to work as farmers or to trade and both peoples share strong family ties, often connected through marriage.

“We want to ensure that the rules relating to citizenship in the new constitution are not going to lead to new cases of statelessness,” said Mark Manly, head of UNHCR’s stateless unit. “If the rules are very restrictive … then all of a sudden you can have lots of people who are left out.”

Some Nepali politicians have defended the new rules, saying Nepal — a small country boxed in between Asian giants India and China — needs to protect the interests of its people from the growing dominance of others in the region.

“We need to tighten the rules otherwise a small country like ours cannot take the pressure from big neighbours,” said Pradeep Gwayali, a parliamentarian and a member of the panel which recommended the new rules, acknowledging it was to discourage Indians and Chinese from seeking Nepali nationality.

“No one will be stateless and children from mixed marriages can apply for citizenship after 15 years or they can opt for the citizenship of the country of their foreign parent.”

(AlertNet is a global humanitarian news service run by Thomson Reuters Foundation. Visit www.trust.org/alertnet)

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Protecting religious freedom for a new Nepal

The Constituent Assembly (CA) of Nepal, created by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and elected in April 2008, took the fundamental decision to abolish the Hindu monarchy and declare Nepal a secular republic.

The CA is currently in the process of drafting a new constitution, having been tasked by the CPA with creating “a political system that fully complies with universally accepted fundamental human rights”.  In addition, the 1991 Treaty Act requires that domestic legislation in Nepal should be in compliance with all ratified treaties.  Nepal is a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), of which article 18 provides for “the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion”.

The deadline for the new constitution has been extended twice, and currently stands at 31 August 2011.  The Government of Nepal is also reviewing the current civil and penal code, and a new proposal was submitted to the CA in May 2011.

The right to freedom of religion or belief has particular importance in Nepal at this time: this is a pivotal moment in its history, undergoing a transition from a Hindu monarchy to a secular democracy, which entails a significant change in the role of religion in politics and society.  The CA therefore needs to consider how to reflect this within the framework of rights in the new constitution.

One of two clauses on religious freedom held in common among the constitutions of 1959, 1962, 1990 and 2007, and the present two constitutional proposals is a provision that “no person shall be entitled to convert another person from one religion to another” (or a variant of this).  This leaves no space for interpreting a religious conversion as a positive choice, or taking a rights-based approach, such as that with which the CA is tasked in Nepal.

This briefing argues that it is not appropriate to carry the anti-conversion clause into the new constitution.  This is for three main reasons.  Firstly, the new social and political circumstances of Nepal demand that the treatment of religion in the constitution should be different (section 3.4).  Secondly, this type of measure has a record in south Asia for heightening prejudice and violence against religious minorities (section 4.3).  Thirdly, it is in violation of the international human rights framework (sections 5-6).

There is a serious risk that already-drafted clauses which are inconsistent with the international human rights framework may pass through the CA without proper scrutiny.  Among them would be the right to religious freedom which, as currently framed in the two proposals, would be seriously curtailed.  The specific problems with the new constitutional proposals on religious freedom are detailed in sections 6.2 of this briefing, and CSW makes specific recommendations on how the proposals can be made fully consistent with “universally accepted fundamental human rights”, as the CPA demands, in section 2.

In addition, the proposal on offences relating to religion for the new penal code contains a number of problematic sections, detailed in section 7.2 of this briefing.  CSW recommends that section 160, on conversion, should be omitted, and sections 157-159, which stem from the colonial penal code of 1860, should be rethought in the present circumstances of Nepal.

The issues of pluralism and conversion are emotive ones, and the deep sensitivities around them should be addressed, but the question remains whether provisions in the new constitution and penal code are the best means for doing so, as they would curtail rights and strengthen negative attitudes towards religious minorities.  Instead, a statutory body for inter-faith dialogue would constitute an innovative and potentially fruitful way forward.

Download the full report: CSW: Protecting religious freedom for a new Nepal

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Gay pride 2011; Narayanghat?

From http://d.repubblica.it/argomenti/2011/08/16/foto/gay_pride_nepal-463105/1/

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