Minorities in Nepal, according to MRG

With various deadlocks in the process of transition to democracy, Nepal witnessed another year of political uncertainty in 2010. While the 2006 peace agreement ending the conflict between the Maoists and the government continued to hold, Prime Minister Madav Kumar Nepal of the Unified Marxist-Leninist party resigned on 30 June. The Maoists had been pressuring him to form a government with themselves at its helm. Parliament failed to form another government during the rest of the year. Attention continued to focus on the contents of the interim Constitution as well as what the process of drafting the next Constitution can offer Nepal’s multi-ethnic population. The Constituent Assembly missed its deadline of 28 May and had its mandate extended for another year. The disarming of Maoist forces was one of the key issues in the mandate of the UN Mission in Nepal, which ended in January 2011 with a lastminute agreement to continue the decommissioning of weapons, auguring well for the future of peace in the country. Meanwhile, discrimination on the basis of caste, gender and ethnicity continued, characterized by a lack of access to justice and accentuated by geography, despite some efforts on the part of the government to address this.

The political agenda during 2010 was dominated by the issue of federalism, which, despite the slipping of the deadline for constitutional progress on the issue, continues to be seen as positive by many of Nepal’s numerous ethnic minorities. This was a cause espoused by the Maoists, who continue to support its inclusion in the new Constitution which will hopefully be finalized during 2011. Federalism could guarantee an agenda of inclusion, paving the way for proportional representation and the redefinition of the state structure in order to better recognize ethnic and cultural diversity. However, there is concern over the citizenship provision in the draft Constitution, which makes the granting of Nepali citizenship to a child conditional on both parents being Nepali citizens – which as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) highlights, runs the risk of engendering statelessness.

The government appears to be striving to erode age-old practices of caste-based discrimination, and there is acceptance of the need for the introduction of reservations for the Dalit community in order to realize equality. Draft legislation vetted by a high-level panel and released in December 2010 contained provisions to guarantee equality and provide measures through which to realize language rights and proportional representation. In addition, there were two progressive judgments on these issues in January and March 2010 (handed down by the District Court in Baitadi in the west of the country), both of which upheld Dalit rights. The first sentenced a man to two years’ imprisonment for an attack on Dalits whom he believed were not following discriminatory temple rituals, while the second convicted a man for physical assault on the father of the groom at a Dalit wedding, where the perpetrator believed rituals practised were reserved for ‘high-caste communities’.

These decisions indicate some official appetite for combating caste-based discrimination, though inevitably tackling societal perceptions is a significant challenge. Indeed, discrimination on the basis of caste identity appears to continue to be widespread in Nepal, affecting the estimated 13–20 per cent of the population who are Dalit. For instance, according to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), Dalits are often refused entry to tea shops, restaurants and hotels, and to Hindu temples, denying their right to practise their religion. Those who speak out against such discrimination face hostility. In October, the AHRC reported that a non-Dalit teacher who had spoken out against discriminatory practices against Dalit students at her school in Kailali District (including separate facilities for Dalit students and banning Dalit students from attending certain classes) remained suspended. In addition, she had been blocked by the local school board from applying for other teaching posts in the district.

In a similar vein, although the government declared 2010 to be the year to focus on genderbased violence, ingrained attitudes have meant that women, especially from marginalized communities, continue to face violence, due to their lower status and financial dependence on their spouses. Women from marginalized communities such as Haliya, or bonded labourers in the mid- and far western regions of Nepal continue to face difficulties that are accentuated by poverty and the lack of employment opportunities, in accessing food, clothing, shelter, health care and education, despite the abolition of bonded labour nearly three years ago. For instance, the AHRC alleges that Dalit women and girls are at particular risk of sexual violence at the hands of higher-caste men, and that such cases are rarely brought to justice due to complicity between the police and the perpetrators. The year 2010 also saw the murder of two Dalit women and a girl in Bardiya National Park by army personnel. The soldiers involved alleged that they had killed the women and child – who were collecting firewood along with others from their village – instantly, and in self-defence. But other members of the party reportedly stated that they had been shot at while they were sleeping, and that the women and the girl were abducted, sexually assaulted, and later killed.

Attacks against journalists have also continued. There were three high-profile murders during the year: the first, of reporter Uma Singh in January, was followed in February by that of Jamin Shah in Kathmandu and of Arun Singhaniya in Janakpur on 1 March.

Ethnic tensions between various Nepali communities continued in 2010 in the Terai region. disproportionately affecting the Dalit population who were affected by virtue of being the biggest group among the landless labourers. These tensions subsequently extended to the Madhesi communities in the south of the region, who have been agitating for greater autonomy and inclusion in the administrative machinery of government. The UN expressed concern regarding extortion of teachers, local officials and businesspeople by armed groups. Human rights organizations report that the government’s special security policy has actually led to an increase in violations. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported 57 deaths caused by the unlawful use of lethal force by government security forces in the Terai region between January 2008 and June 2010. HRW reported the forced recruitment by armed groups of children as messengers for extortion and ransom notes as well enforcers of strikes (bandhs).

Nepal’s Tibetan community faced some official pressure during 2010, with reports of police intimidation and high-handed presence at religious ceremonies. In one incident on 3 October, Nepalese police seized ballot boxes at Tibetan governmentin- exile polling stations in Kathmandu. The pressure on the community emanates from closer ties between Nepal and China, as evidenced in the forced deportation to China of three Tibetan new arrivals (including one Buddhist monk) by the Nepali government in June 2010. At year’s end, HRW reported that two are believed to be in detention in China. The deportations represent a violation of the non-refoulement principle in international law, whereby no person should be returned to a country where that person’s life or freedom is in serious danger.

While overall 2010 saw relatively peaceful coexistence between the majority Hindu community and Buddhist, Muslim and Christian communities, there have been incidents of intimidation reported, largely attributed to Pashupati Sena, Shiv Sena Nepal and Nepal Shivsena (affiliated to the Indian Shiv Sena – a Hindu fundamentalist party). These groups are unhappy with the former Hindu kingdom’s move towards secularism and greater inclusion of other faiths, as guaranteed in the 2007 interim Constitution. Two incidents that were reported included the 23 May attack on a Christian church in Dhobighat, in which three people were killed, and the beating of two Christians for refusing to offer donations for a Hindu puja in Kapilvastu on 25 May.

MRG Asia and Oceania 2011

For the full report, see: http://www.minorityrights.org/10848/state-of-the-worlds-minorities/state-of-the-worlds-minorities-and-indigenous-peoples-2011.html

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Torture briefing, Jan-Jun 2011

During the reporting period from January 2011 to June 2011, which coincided with Nepal’s first report under the Human Rights Council’s Universal Period Review process, AF has recorded a significant overall increase in the percentage of torture from 22.5% in the previous six months to 25%.

Advocacy Forum lawyers interviewed 2268 detainees in 57 detention centres. Among them were 217 (9.6%) women and 2051 (90.4%) men. Of them, 567 detainees (25%) have claimed that they were subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Among the women detainees, 32 (14.7%) claimed they were subjected to torture and ill-treatment, as opposed to 535 (26.1%) of men.

This increase is thought to be related to the ongoing political instability in the country and increases in activities of armed groups in different districts of the Terai region. An analysis of the crimes for which torture victims were arrested also shows the very high rate of torture reported by people arrested under charges such as kidnapping (43.9%), robbery (43.5%), theft (40.4%), arson (37.5%) and arms and ammunitions (35.3%).

It is very worrying that while the Government of Nepal assures the international community that any cases of torture are isolated incidents, and that “there are sufficient constitutional and legal safeguards for the prevention of torture in Nepal”, reports of torture in the districts visited by AF continues to rise.

During January to June 2011, AF lawyers interviewed 2268 detainees in 57 detention centres. Among them were 217 (9.6%) women and 2051 (90.4%) men. Of them, 567 detainees (25.0%) have claimed that they were subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. Among the women detainees, 32 (14.7%) claimed they were subjected to torture or other ill-treatment, as opposed to 535 (26.1%) of men.

During this period, there was a significant increase in the percentage of torture of female detainees reporting they were tortured: from 25 (13.3%) during July to December 2010 to 32 (14.7%). The 32 women who claimed they had been tortured had been severely beaten by investigating officers and had been treated without consideration for the rights and needs of women as a particularly vulnerable group.

Download Advocacy Forum’s full report

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Demand for Nepalis up as Indonesia, Philippines ban housemaids to Saudi

Acute shortage of domestic helps in Saudi Arabia, following a ban on Indonesian and Filipino housemaids last month, is likely to open doors for Nepali women.

Housemaids’ salary has increased by up to 100 per cent in Saudi following high demand in the holy month of Ramadan.

Earlier, a housemaid used to get around 2,000 Saudi riyals, but now it ranges between 3,000 to 4,000 riyals, local daily Gulf Times reported.

Saudi has a shortage of around 150,000 housemaids and plans to recruit them from Bangladesh, India, Eritrea, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Mali and Kenya. But the hiring process has not started yet. However, illegal recruitment of housemaids has also increased.

“Some unlicensed or bogus recruitment firms are behind it,” chairman of National Recruitment Committee Sa’ad Al Baddah said, adding that some beauty parlours are also engaged in illegal acts. According to him, Saudi authorities are closely watching illegal recruitments and the agents.

The government opened Saudi jobs for Nepali women early this year — lifting a ban imposed nearly a decade ago. But the government’s capacity to control illegal outflow of women migrant workers or trafficking is in question.

New criteria could reduce maids’ grievances, but it could not stop illegal outflow, president of Paurakhi, Manju Gurung, said, adding Gulf countries remain a risk for women migrant workers.

According to Nepali diplomatic mission in Gulf countries, more than 35 Nepali women are facing abuse and exploitation per week. Last year, 72 women suffered sexual exploitation and 10 committed suicide. Expert in foreign employment Dr Chiranjivi Nepal opined that the government should not send Nepali women without safety guarantee from Gulf countries.

Newly appointed ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Udaya Raj Pandey, said his first priority would be the safety of workers.

Migrant outflow

Month Number of women

Mid-February 320

Mid-March 1,038

Mid-April 781

Mid-May 1,041

Mid-June 1,648

Mid-July 1,853

(Source: Foreign Employment Department)

See original at: thehimalayantimes.com

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Justice denied: HRDs, impunity and the rule of law in Nepal

It is a fact that, 5 years after the end of the conflict, not one single perpetrator of a conflict-era human rights violation has been brought to justice in a court of law. But Nepal‟s impunity has further implications than conflict-era prosecution simply being „on hold‟. Impunity for crimes has continued to the present day. Torture in state detention facilities is endemic and extremely difficult to prosecute (see page 10). Political interference in the application of law further weakens rule of law. Non-implementation of court orders makes a mockery of jus-tice (see cases on page 7). In such an environment, human rights defenders, journalists and victims who continue to raise cases and concerns are placed in a position of confrontation each time they do so.

Many put this continuing situation down to a distinct lack of political will. The Truth and Rec-onciliation Commission and the Commission on Disappearances – integral parts of the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement – remain in draft form and seem to have been almost for-gotten by politicians. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has made numerous recommendations regarding both conflict-era and post-conflict crimes, but very few of these have been implemented by the government.

Throughout this publication, we take a closer look at impunity, the weak rule of law and the effects that these have on some of the HRDs with whom PBI works. These HRDs speak about the root causes of impunity and its effect on their day to day work, including height-ened risk for defending rights. They speak of the methods they use to try and improve the situation. There are clear links between the work of human rights defenders and the end of impunity. Without protection mechanisms, including strong rule of law and an engaged police force, HRDs remain vulnerable.

During Nepal‟s Universal Periodic Review session at the UN‟s Human Rights Council in January 2011, the Nepali government delayed its decision on signing up to three of the four recommendations pertaining to providing security for human rights defenders and journalists. It is particularly telling that these three recommendations the government is „considering‟ relate to the investigation and prosecution of violations against HRDs and journalists. The final decision on whether to accept these will be made in the June 2011 HRC session.

It is clear that HRDs and journalists need protection. If the government is seri-ous in its bid to address impunity, accepting these recommendations and implementing pro-tection mechanisms for HRDs is an important first step. Further steps must then be taken to create an environment where the rule of law is upheld and HRDs are seen as a support to the justice system rather than a dangerous challenge to the legal status quo.

See the full report: Justice denied: HRDs, impunity and the rule of law in Nepal

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3rd periodic state report on ICESCR

“Nepal acceded to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), without any reservation. Nepal submitted its Second Periodic Report under the ICESCR on 30 June 2006. The present Third Periodic Report contains the measures taken to implement the ICESCR from June 2006 to February 2011, in line with the Concluding Observations made by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (E/C.12/NPL/2).

3rd periodic report on ICESCR

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Women and climate change in Bageshwori

In 2008, women experiencing the impact of climate change in poor areas in Nepal came together to tell the story about how climate change is affecting their lives.

Through making participatory videos, the women explored how they and their families are being affected, what they are doing to cope, and what they would need to protect their livelihoods.

The participatory videos will be used to bring womens voices to the climate change debate at local, national and international levels, and conveys powerful messages to policy makers shaping the global response to climate change.

The project was supported by ActionAid Nepal (www.actionaid.org) and the Institute of Development Studies (www.ids.ac.uk). This film represents a clip from the longer participatory video made by women from Bageshwori, Nepal.

Taken from YouTube

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Surfing under surveillance

RUBEENA MAHATO

Democratic governments are just as likely to restrict civil liberties as despotic systems are, if not safeguarded by citizen vigilance and protection. The gatekeepers of our transitional republic seem to have got it into their heads that the internet is too free and must be regulated.

The pattern is impossible not to notice. It started with the infamous ban on ‘pornographic and objectionable sites’ last September. Then some Internet Service Providers (ISPs) who said they couldn’t monitor subscribers were jailed. Now, the government is monitoring browsing details of high bandwidth subscribers. Ostensibly, it is to control illegal call bypassers, but it may not be long before the government starts getting too intrusive, riding on these same provisions to monitor more personal information including the private emails you sent out this morning.

The Nepal Telecommunication Authority (NTA) has directed ISPs (Internet Service Providers) to provide information of all subscribers who use a bandwidth of 1Mbps or more. The Nepal Police work closely with NTA technicians now in a joint taskforce to scan web details of users to identify VOIP racketeers.

ISPs gave in reluctantly and are providing the police with MRTG data of subscribers for network traffic monitoring. The government accused some ISPs themselves of illegal VOIP, making the controls necessary.

That’s all fine. The problem is that this seriously infringes on the right to privacy of subscribers. Why should private internet users be subjected to profiling to nab a few bypassers? Is the police intelligence capacity so poor that it doesn’t know the scamsters in this town? Rather than going after the bypassers, why not legalize VOIP instead so that consumers can make cheaper calls? 1 Mbps is not a big pipe, and innocent users can be easily harassed (or extorted) by an opaque government machinery.

MRTG data only allows monitoring the browsing patterns of users, but could be a stepping stone for the government to introduce censorship and intrude on private correspondence in the future.

The government’s argument is that it wants the information to fight crime, terrorism and porn. But the way in which internet users and their activities are being tracked (the most recent is the requirement of ID cards to use cyber cafes) the government’s motives are suspect.

Last year, the NTA made it mandatory for ISPs to install filtering software to block websites that are ‘obscene, seductive and corrupt social morals’. Any content threatening ‘religious harmony, national security, and goes against values and beliefs of the state’ were deemed objectionable enough to be blocked.

The kind explanation is that the government only wants to protect us from objectionable content and maintain law and order. But the fact that popular sites like huffingtonpost.com and even scientific journals like springer.com were on the list of blocked URLs raises alarm bells because of the state’s sheer incompetence and ham-handedness.

The government chose not to use legal methods to enforce this ban, unmindful that it was a violation to constitutionally guaranteed right to privacy and free expression. “It is simply not acceptable for the government to bypass legal channels and introduce such regulations by orders. Laws restricting the freedom of expression can be passed by parliament alone,” says human rights lawyer, Santosh Sigdel.

One of the safeguards against privacy infringements can be data protection laws. These are necessary because the government is looking at the use of smart cards with full information on individuals. The government may well demand ISPs produce any user data it wants, but there should be laws to ensure that the data are not misused to target individuals.

That the government managed to enforce such controversial decisions without much opposition tells a lot about the lack of public awareness about privacy issues. All unchallenged governments, democratic or despotic, exhibit the same oppressive tendencies. The question is what are we as citizens going to do about it?

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IRIN: Emerging from menstrual quarantine

Every month, for one week,14-year-old Kamala Vishwarkarmas returns from school to sleep alone in a dark, windowless mud hut. She is forbidden from entering her family’s house during her menstrual cycle for fear of what might happen.

“I’ll stay here in the ‘goth’ for seven days total,” Kamala said. “Of course I feel afraid when I go inside by myself. It’s so scary during the rainy season when all the snakes come.”

‘Chhaupadi’, Nepalese for the practice of segregating menstruating women from their houses and men, was outlawed by Nepal’s supreme court in 2005. But locals say the practice is only now beginning to wane in the western region of Nepal, the only part of the country where the tradition is observed.

A three-year-old initiative in Achham District to create ‘chhaupadi’-free zones is slowly catching on, but remains stalled by a division between younger and older generations: the latter warn of disastrous consequences if menstruating women, considered toxic, step inside their houses.

The Hindu gods will punish menstruating women, their family, land and livestock in any number of catastrophic ways if they try to contaminate their homes, they believe.

But many young women like Kamala do not believe in such things.

Kamala has asked to come inside before, but the family elders get angry, she said. Her aunt, Vima Vishwakarmas, who takes care of the grade-nine student, quietly supports her niece’s convictions.

“I wish now that she could come inside, but the older family members won’t allow it,” Vima said.

Kamala spoke of her own cycle without any indication of embarrassment inside her austere ‘goth’, furnished with a thin mat, a metal plate and bowl on the ground.

Dangers of isolation

Women practising ‘chhaupadi’ have reported rapes, snake bites and a lack of nutrition because they are not allowed to cook for themselves or eat dairy products, according to a local women-run advocacy organization called the Paralegal Committee. The group launched the ‘chhaupadi’-free movement three years ago.

Tula Shahi, a local restaurant owner and health expert contracted by the government, sat in on the Paralegal meeting. She recalled how she once did not eat for seven days while in the ‘goth’ because there was no one to cook for her. Now she, like all of the Paralegal members, no longer uses a `goth’.

“Women and children aren’t eating properly, and because it is cold inside the ‘goth’ they can become sick easily,” said Namsar Vhandari, the Paralegal Committee’s secretary.

“In part because of this, we started to work with families and to convince them to let girls come inside the house. Of course it is difficult. We talked a lot about what people are afraid of, especially with the gods and the goddesses.”

Vhandari said after three years, 75 percent of her Village Development Committee (VDC), a municipality called Janalibandali, is ‘chhaupadi’-free, but the remaining 25 percent remains “quite far off”.

Mixed progress 

Mangalsen VDC, a small town of less than 10,000 and capital of Achham District, presents a mixed picture of progress.

Chandra Khadka, a male spiritual healer who lives more than an hour from Mangalsen, began encouraging girls to leave the ‘goth’ two years ago. “I wanted to become a part of society, so whatever society decides, I am following that,” the 68-year-old said of his decision to keep pace with the anti-‘chhaupadi’ trend in Achham.

But bucking tradition can create ruinous consequences for women who independently shun the ‘goth’.

After seven years of practising ‘chhaupadi’, Lakshmi Regma refused to stay in the `goth’ after she was selected as a village facilitator, a community mobilizer funded by the government. But when her three-month-old son later died of natural causes, people began to talk about her role in his death.

“People said he died because I didn’t go in the ‘goth’,” Regma said. “If something happens to your family, people will blame the girl.” Adding that such pressure and superstition puts an unreasonable burden on girls.

Even though she is head of the household, Nirmala Nepali, 14, is not taking any chances with crossing the elders in her Dalit community. Nepali has cared for her two younger siblings for the past seven years since her mother died of AIDS, but she still listens to an elder neighbour, who instructed her when she had her first period five months ago.

“If I go inside, the grandmother will become crazy,” Nepali said from outside her ‘goth’. “So I stay here.”

Thanks to: http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93404

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Trafficking Nepali women, CNN and Demi Moore

So, invited to the launch of this CNN film in a city hotspot, I hoped that Demi Moore may turn up. She didn’t.

Worse, the amount of money CNN spent on wining-and-dining 50 movers-and-shakers would no doubt have paid for Maiti Nepal‘s operating costs for some time. Buying a beer after the show cost the equivalent of two weeks’ salary in rural Nepal.

Still, while I don’t 100% agree with Anuradha Koirala’s approach, it’s a good documentary that suitably tugs at the heartstrings of those that might give her much-needed hard cash.

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Food and health in Mugu

Women’s journey to food and health in Mugu, Nepal

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The blue sky is dazzling. Far off in the distance, being sharply shaken in a light airplane having only seven seats, passengers can see beautiful snowy mountains on the right side and the deep blue Rara lake on the left. Isolated villages are dotted amongst the valleys. This is Mugu, the most vulnerable and food insecure of Nepal’s 75 districts, despite receiving food aid for decades. When the passengers step on the ground, at an altitude of some 3,000 meters, Mugu women welcome them, expecting to carry their luggage. Some passengers suffer from altitude sickness, while others enjoy the natural beauty, a gift given by God.

Two helicopters arrived at about the same time as us, carrying rice from the World Food Program (WFP). Other women were waiting to carry these 50kg parcels of rice, foodaid provided as a ‘work for food’ program. I wondered if the WFP was aware that a woman who may not eat enough rice or other food items today, is carrying 50kg of rice. Since the WFP launched its food aid in 2008, had the WFP ever thought of making a rice parcel smaller than 50 kilograms? Other women, regardless of their age, stare at you. Carrying heavy loads on their backs seems to be a punishment given by God.

We tried to look for strong boys to carry our luggage, but ended up handing over them to women and girls. There were no boys; only women and their daughters are willingto carry anything. We regretted not dividing our luggage in small bags. The biggest suitcase is given to a 35-year-old woman, a mid-size bag for her daughter, and a small bag for an old woman. The 35-year old-woman wanted to carry all the luggage to earn more money, confidently saying, “I used to carry more than this, I can carry all. No problem!” We suggested that for the price of three bags, she carry the biggest one only.

It was a steep and sometimes rocky path to the town of Mugu where we could find a place to stay. Mugu has no road for vehicles; your feet are the only means of transportation. While men can ride a horse, women are traditionally not allowed to do so. Beautiful pine trees surround the area, but the villagers do not appreciate them as they do not produce oxygen. We met another group of women on the way to headquarters carrying firewood collected from the nearby forest. Some said their load weighs around 80kg, requiring them to rest on the rocks from time to time. We walked for about three hours.

Another three to four hours by foot from the town is the Ruga village of the Ruga Village Development Community (VDC), where 118 households live. Most of them belongto Dalit communities. Unlike Dalits living in Nepal’s terai (plain area mostly located along the Nepal-Indian border), Dalits living in Mugu have some land for their house and cultivation, as the limited resources in the hill area are shared between the upper and lower castes. However, land here is less fertile than in the plains, and cultivation istotally dependant on rain.

While high caste groups are also poor and deprived of basic resources and rights, it is the Dalits who are the poorest in Mugu. In Ruga, some high caste families andindividuals share the same living condition as Dalits. Regardless of their caste, all of them go to the temple together, and sit and chat together. There are some discriminatory customs against women, a few of which are only practiced by high caste villagers.

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“Women wash their husbands’ hands and feet every morning and evening, and drink the water afterwards,” says one high caste man for instance. A Dalit man responds, “We don’t practice it, only they do.” They both laugh, as if it is not a big deal. Sitting behind men, women say nothing. It is common practice for women to be kept in isolation after giving birth—for five days after the birth of a son and 10 after the birth of a girl. Immediately after that, women go back to work. Women also have to stay at another place during their menstruation period. This is based on the belief that women pollute the ‘sacred’ while performing anything related to reproduction. Although this practice is being disappeared in Nepal, it is still practiced in remote areas.

“Did you bring medicines,” an old woman asked. When I said no, she asked, “Why did you come here then?” In fact, many women asked us if we had any medicine. One old woman showed me her stomach, asking for medicines for her stomachache and headache. I took out some herbal balm from my bag and applied it to her forehead and around her nose. What else could I do? The other women also asked me to apply the balm on their faces, which I did one by one. They seemed happy with it. They also wanted contraception to control the frequency of pregnancy, which they are unable to obtain. A few years back, some were given contraception by a female foreign doctor funded by an international agency, while others obtained it from a Nepali male doctor. The former was used successfully without any side effects, while the latter caused the women some discomfort. In accordance with their experience, the women therefore now prefer female foreign doctors for medical assistance.

Many women in the village have suffered the death of their infants. A 33-year-old Dalit woman lost two children prior to the two she has now, the first at the age of three months, and the second at six months. It is not difficult to understand why they died—her poor living condition provides her withinsufficient nutrition, particularly during pregnancy. Rice and roti (local wheat bread) are all that she eats. Even then, she cannot eat her preference of locally produced rice, but only manages to buy cheaper Japanese rice distributed by the Nepal Food Corporation (NFC) at a subsidized price. Most of the women suffer from vomiting or breathing difficulties through the consumption of Japanese rice. The women can only harvest a little local rice, millet, wheat, or beans from their own land. It is particularly difficult to cultivate green vegetables and rice due to limited water resources; they are completely dependant on rain.

Furthermore, this Dalit woman did not have a well-trained midwife who could help her during her labor at home. There are many cases where a woman’s first or second child died early on. Another woman said she lost five of her children, all of whom died of diarrhea. Eight to ten children are dying of diarrhea, pneumonia, or malnutrition-related sicknesses every year, the women noted. They also observed that their children get sick with vomiting or diarrhea when they try to breastfeed immediately after returning from field work. The women assumed that it could be due to the hot temperature of their milk.

Additionally, the supplement nutrition powder distributed by the WFP does not seem to suit the children. Women were provided with three parcels of it, each containing 90 bags of 10 grams each in December 2010, to be fed to the children after being mixed with rice. As a result of consuming this however, the children suffered from vomiting or diarrhea. Mothers who visited the District Health Centre (DHC) were given free medicines, but complained that the medicines were bad. This reflects the DHC’s lack of credibility, and that women are not instructed how to keep the medicines properly.

Despite all the problems women face, no one consults with them and nothing is accurately reported. One can assume that the situation of remote areas must be worse than found in Ruga village.

The health worker attached to the health post comes once a month to give polio injections to the children. At the District Health Centre, we met a senior Auxiliary Nursing Midwife (ANM) Mrs Saroja Chimire who has been working in Mugu for the last 18 years. The other staff include one senior health officer, one senior midwife, two junior assistants who joined last year, and one social health worker from UNICEF. Only the two senior staff are from Mugu, the rest are from elsewhere. As the officers only keep medical records of patients who come for treatment, no one knows how many children or women die of water bone diseases or other sicknesses associated with malnutrition. UNICEF Nepal suggests that half of the country’s children are undernourished, and the local staff of UNICEF Mugu asserts that 7-8 percent of the children are severely malnourished in Mugu. However, there is no precise data presenting the real picture.

We saw a few patients lying in beds, and were told that some pregnant women give birth at the DHC. When pregnant women visit the DHC four times a year, they are entitled to 400 Nepali rupees (USD 5), while those who give birth there get 1,500 Nepali rupees (USD 20). The DHC health officers hold seminars on mortality, pregnancy, and nutrition targeting mothers. They aim to reduce mother mortality by encouraging mothers to come to public health institutions for delivery or other medical treatment. The biggest obstacle for women in accessing such institutions is the total absence of transportation. It is almost impossible for mothers who have serious medical issues to come to the DHC on foot. For the same reason, mothers cannot bring their malnourished children to the DHC for treatment.

The villagers of Ruga go to the DHC located at the nearby headquarters instead of the village health post farther away, which requires five hours of walking uphill to reach. Unless it is urgent, villagers find it difficult to go to the public health institutions. Even then, it takes a couple of hours to reach from the villages located near the headquarter zone, and some days to reach from the remote villages. Although the medicines and treatments are free, the physical distance is the biggest challenge. Furthermore, there has been no doctor posted at the DHC for the past five months; the previous doctor left for personal reasons and no replacement doctor has yet been posted. The patients who require surgery are referred to the hospital in Nepalgunj, which the villagers have to fly to.

Not just medical officers, but all government officers working in Mugu are from other districts. Their term is very short, one to two years, which means they leave before truly learning about Mugu. The remote and undeveloped nature of the district requires these officers to be paid compensation as anincentive, while their short term status encourages them to engage in corruption. This causes further distress to young villagers; the village’s one college bears 200 students every year, who find it difficult to find jobs in Mugu, while government and public jobs are filled by external officers.

One good leader can make a considerable difference. The senior ANM’s daughter who currently studies at a university in Bangalore says, “I want to go back to Mugu to work for the Mugu people after finishing my studies.” While many youngsters today want to go to big cities or abroad, she on the contrary, expresses her dream of becoming a doctor in Mugu. She is likely influenced by her parents, who workedtogether in Mugu for many years. Her father was also a medical officer in Mugu, but was an alcoholic, and died as a result. “I love my father. He drank every day but gave the poor villagers whatever he had inhis hands. That was his character. He was not possessive and lived like the river. I also want to live like the river. I will take whatever comes to me in my life,” she says.

We promised to support her, encouraging her to do her best to be a doctor in the future. One day, you will see a lovely and warm-hearted female doctor sitting in the DHC office in Mugu or walking around the remote villages looking after the poor villagers who need medical treatment. She will perhaps make the necessary changes for mothers and children in Mugu.

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